to apprehend, under similar circumstances, with Buonaparte on the one hand, and such counsellors on the other? For this reason, the Cortes, bearing in mind the decree of the Extraordinary ones, dated January 1st, 1811, confirmed that resolution, conforming themselves in substance to what had been already proposed by the Regency and Council of State, and immediately proceeded to issue their celebrated decree of 2nd February, 1814, by which they ordained, "That if Napoleon allowed the king to return to Spain, the royal family alone should enter with the accompanying suite of Spaniards: that the moment his arrival was known, the cardinal and president of the Regency should go out to receive his Majesty, and that the king should come up to Madrid by the direct road, without exercising his authority till he was free and in the bosom of the Congress, and there take the oaths to the Constitution, for which purpose a copy thereof should be presented to him; that he should be informed of all these arrangements the moment he should reach the frontiers, and should moreover deliver to the cardinal a statement of the principal events which had occurred to him during the last six years, for their more adequate information."

By this decree, which entirely overturned the treaty of Valançay, the Cortes gave a proof to the allies, of their firm determination not to conclude any arrangement, unless in mutual concert with them. This was what justice, interest, and the good faith of Spain required, rather than to comply with the wishes of one who had treated them so ill, and now sought to have a separate treaty made with him, which he ought to have expected might be more advantageous, secure, and honorable, if carried into effect in a general Congress. This precipitate and unguarded peace, which his diplomatic counsellors represented to King Ferdinand, as the most advantageous that could have been obtained, even after a long series of successive victories;" on the part of Napoleon, had in reality no other object than to separate us from our allies and his enemies, possibly under the hope of converting us against them, if, by the return of the monarch, whom he was deceiving afresh, by prejudicing him against those who had better defended his honor, his throne and glory, he succeeded in bringing the nation back to that state of nullity in which it was previous to the invasion, and from which so imprudently, and contrary to his intentions, he had raised it. This decree of the Cortes, carried almost unanimously, moreover presented a fresh example of that intimate union which reigned among the Liberales and Serviles, when the question related to Buonaparte or the means of repelling his attempts.

The latter, who at that time, in consequence of the aspect affairs had assumed, no longer felt any interest in detaining the person of

Ferdinand, immediately made arrangements for him to return to Spain; no doubt under the hope that his insinuations and those of his minister, La Forest, would have made on the mind of the king all the impression he wished, and on the other hand without any dread of his fatal counsellors, whom Buonaparte well knew, being able to dissuade their master, or steer him in the right

course.'

The king was received on the frontiers of Catalonia by Don Francisco Copons, General in chief of that district, who duly informed him of every thing, according to the orders of the Regency.

He appeared satisfied and even pleased with the Constitution and decrees of the Cortes, during his stay in the above province, and abstained from exercising any act of authority in it. From Catalonia, instead of proceeding in a direct line to Valencia, he shaped his course to Zaragoza; and although this was contrary to the decree of the Cortes, it was not deemed strange, because it was given out that the king was desirous of seeing the glorious ruins of that heroic city. At length he reached Valencia, where he met the cardinal and president of the Cortes; and there it was

'The canon, Don Juan Escoiquiz, one of these counsellors, and at that time the most intimate in the confidence of the king, in the work which he published on his arrival at Madrid, under the title of "Idea Seucillu," &c. with most admirable candor, has discovered to us a thousand particularities which remove all doubt on this head. Through his work we are informed of the precious contents of Napoleon's letter to Ferdinand, dated 12th September, 1813, in which he says, "that England encouraged in Spain anarchy and jacobinism, and sought to overturn the monarchy and destroy the nobility with a view to establish a Republic; adding, that he could not help regretting the destruction of so neighbouring a nation, and that he was anxjous to deprive British influence of every pretext, and re-establish the ancient bonds of friendship, for which purpose he sent the Count La Forest near him."-By it we also learn, that the latter envoy confirmed the same by word of mouth, telling the king "that the British had destroyed every thing, and introduced anarchy and jacobinism into Spain; that their object was no other than to change the monarchy into a Republic, and that nevertheless, in order to deceive the people, in all the public acts they placed the name of the king at the head," &c. All this made an impression on the king; for when he sent the Duke de San Carlos on to Spain with the treaty, he charged him (these are the very words of Escoiquiz)" to examine the spirit of the Regency and Cortes, as he already suspected they were actuated by infidelity and jacobinism."-If the king suspected this before he sent on the Duke de San Carlos, how much must he not have been confirmed in his suspicions on the return of the latter; most sore, as it was natural to expect, at his unfavorable reception and failure of his negociation. On the other hand, any one may easily infer what class of persons surrounded this courtier during his stay in Madrid; what kind of reports he would make to the king his master; how much the latter would be strengthened in his first prejudices; and what, in short, must have been the feelings and ideas of the whole royal party on their entry into Catalonia, when among them the same San Carlos and Escoiquiz held the principal places.

not long before he evinced symptoms of that dislike with which he was made to view the established government. The Serviles of all classes, those of whom we have already spoken, immediately flocked to Valencia; as well as the dissatisfied, those who by their former conduct in the chief trusts they had abused, or by their seditious writings, had brought upon themselves public odium and animadversion; in short, many persons who had already rendered themselves execrable in the eyes of the people, men whom every body knows, but whose names we abstain from mentioning. These called together others, and amongst all of them, seizing as it were on the person of the King, they deceived and intimidated him afresh; they made him believe that the nation was opposed to the form of government in force, and in this manner raising up a bulwark between him and his people, they actually realised the plan Napoleon had proposed to himself.

But what could scarcely be believed were it not a positive fact, is, that deputies named by the provinces, by virtue of the Constitution, and in conformity to it, enjoined by their constituents to observe and sustain it, and who had previously sworn in the most solemn manner, in the face of the Cortes and the whole country, to keep, and cause it to be kept, forgetting the origin of their representative functions, the tenor of their powers, their trust and the bond of their oaths, laid a remonstrance before the king, intreating him not to accept the Constitution, but dissolve the Congress. This remonstrance, an eternal monument of shame and abomination to those who signed it, was clandestinely delivered to the king by one of them, who for this purpose proceeded on to Valencia; in the mean time his companions remained in the Cortes, acting the parts of constitutional deputies.'

In this state of things, General Elio, no less perjured and prevaricating than the above wicked deputies, having placed at the disposal of the king the division he commanded in the province of Valencia, the counsellors of Ferdinand, conceiving that the time had arrived for the execution of the designs they premeditated, caused the king to sign his fatal and deplorable decree of 4th May,

This is the celebrated remonstrance, known throughout Spain under the name of " Remonstrance of the Persians," owing to a ridiculous allusion to that people found in the introduction. It was published in Madrid after the dissolution of the Cortes, signed by 69 deputies, making the third part of the Congress; but it is probable that the greatest part of them did not affix their signatures to it till after the entry of the king into the capital, when every thing was destroyed, the Servile faction victorious, and the Regency and a great number of the deputies imprisoned. Fear, and a wish to pay court, no doubt had a great share in this transaction; and it is said, that all those who had pretensions to a mitre, gown, or any public offices, as a preliminary step, were required to sign the manifesto.

in which, after pledging himself to secure to the nation what it already possessed, preparations were made for the destruction of every thing, and the fulfilment of these illusive promises left to an indefinite period; the national representation dissolved, and the life of every one threatened who dared to speak of or defend it; the Constitution, accepted by the people, all the authorities, clergy, and army, under the most solemn oaths, is declared null and void, and by another decree issued the same day, the freedom of the press was also trampled to the ground. The most profound mystery was remarkable in all these measures, and secret orders were given for the dissolution of the Cortes and seizure of papers, as well as for the arrest of the Regents, the secretaries of the various departments of government, and those deputies of the existing and preceding Cortes who had distinguished themselves by their talents, probity, and patriotism.

In the mean time, the stay of the king in Valencia had filled every person with alarm; the factions on every side began to bestir themselves; a Servile paper, under the title of Lucindo or Fernandino, and patronised by the Valencia faction, was already at work, vomiting forth reproaches and calumnies against the Cortes, the Regency, and the liberal party; some of Elio's troops were known to be approaching the capital, under hostile appearances; every post brought worse reports respecting the sentiments and demeanor of the king, till at length the greatest anxiety, and even dismay, prevailed among all those who had the welfare of their country at heart.

The Cortes and Regency, however, resolved to conduct themselves in a passive manner, and in public avoided speaking of these matters, as well to prevent the people in the capital, already alarmed at the news from Valencia and the approach of the troops, from rushing into any excesses, as also to guard against any inquietude in the provinces, where the greatest uneasiness was felt at the king's delay, which appeared to them unaccountable. The government and Cortes were of opinion that moderation and confidence were the best means to convince Ferdinand of the rectitude of their intentions; and, on the other hand, satisfied with the interior testimony of their own consciences, they determined to take no steps indicative of any dread injurious to the monarch, whose throne they had defended with so much ardor and patriotism. The Cortes therefore confined themselves to the sending of two letters to him, respectfully explaining the state of doubt and agitation that prevailed, owing to his delay, and beseeching him to hasten his journey, in order to restore tranquillity in the public mind and commence the exercise of his authority. The king merely answered verbally, that he would conform to their wishes,_ without entering into any explanation with the cardinal, acting as Regent.

In short, every thing being prepared for the execution of the plan, the king left Valencia for Madrid; at the same time, the Cortes were sending on to him a deputation, composed of some of the members, whom he refused to receive. Being half way on his journey, he banished the Cardinal, one of the Regents, as well as the Secretary, ad interim, of State, who was accompanying him; and almost at the same time the capital was surrounded by troops, when General Equia, and four other judges for this purpose specially commissioned, suddenly arrested the Regents in the night of the 10th of May, together with two secretaries of the government, and all the deputies of both Cortes, included in a fatal list, made out by hatred and a thirst for revenge; all their papers were at the same time seized, without any distinction whatever, and the whole of these individuals placed in solitary confinement, many of whom in the morning of that very day had been exercising the august functions of Representatives of the nation in the Congress.

Thus ended the career of a government which, by a series of heroic efforts, had sustained the national independence, defended the rights of Ferdinand VII. to the throne, wrested him from captivity, and established the bases of liberty by means of a liberal Constitution and a representative system; a government which, acknowledged by the nation as well as the chief European powers in relation with them, and respected in the interior not through violence but the force of public opinion, had, at that very moment, at its disposal, all the necessary means of resistance, and in its favor all the knowledge, virtue, and patriotism of upright men and true Spaniards; but far from availing itself of them, did not give a single order or adopt a single measure in opposition to Ferdinand; confidently trusting to the goodness and justice of its cause, as well as the virtues and gratitude of the sovereign, shut its, eyes to all, and, as it were, placed itself entirely in his hands. Most assuredly if posterity should ever accuse this government of not having saved the state, at least, the unjust charge of its being factious and jacobinical, which some of its enemies have alleged against it, will be spared.

We will pass over in silence the atrocious manner in which the members of both Cortes, as well as all the individuals who had distinguished themselves by their national services, were from this moment treated and persecuted. All the fury of the passions, all the bitter dislike and desire of revenge, which their enemies could stir up against them, were resorted to; and possibly they owe their lives only to public opinion, or rather to the general conviction of their entire virtue and innocence which overawed their opponents. The present state of Spain compels us to draw a veil over the details of a persecution, hitherto unequalled.