CHAPTER VIII.

Forlorn Condition of Flanders-Parma's secret Negotiations with the Queen -Grafigni and Bodman-Their Dealings with English Counsellors -Duplicity of Farnese-Secret Offers of the English Peace-Party-Letters and Intrigues of De Loo-Drake's Victories and their Effect Parma's Perplexity and Anxiety- He is relieved by the News from England — Queen's secret Letters to Parma - His Letters and Instructions to Bod- Bodman's secret Transactions at Greenwich-Walsingham detects and exposes the Plot - The Intriguers baffled — Queen's Letter to Parma and his to the King - Unlucky Results of the Peace-Intrigues — Unhandsome Treatment of Leicester-Indignation of the Earl and WalsinghamSecret Letter of Parma to Philip - Invasion of England recommended — Details of the Project.

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ALEXANDER FARNESE and his heroic little army had been left by their sovereign in as destitute a condition as that in which Lord Leicester and his unfortunate "paddy persons" had found themselves since their arrival in the Netherlands. These mortal men were but the weapons to be used and broken in the hands of the two great sovereigns, already pitted against each other in mortal combat. That the distant invisible potentate, the work of whose life was to do his best to destroy all European nationality, all civil and religious freedom, should be careless of the instruments by which his purpose was to be effected, was but natural. It is painful to reflect that the great champion of liberty and of Protestantism was almost equally indifferent to the welfare of the human creatures enlisted in her cause. Spaniards and Italians, English and Irish, went half naked and half starving through the whole inclement winter, and perished of pestilence in droves, after confronting the less formidable dangers of battlefield and leaguer. Manfully and sympathetically did the Earl of Leicester-while whining in absurd hyperbole over the angry demeanour of his sovereign towards himself-represent the imperative duty of an English government to succour English troops.

1596.

FORLORN CONDITION OF FLANDERS.

489

Alexander Farnese was equally plain-spoken to a sovereign with whom plain-speaking was a crime. In bold, almost scornful language, the Prince represented to Philip the sufferings and destitution of the little band of heroes, by whom that magnificent military enterprise, the conquest of Antwerp, had just been effected. "God will be weary of working miracles for us," he cried, "and nothing but miracles can save the troops from starving." There was no question of paying them their wages, there was no pretence at keeping them reasonably provided with lodging and clothing, but he asserted the undeniable proposition that they "could not pass their lives without eating," and he implored his sovereign to send at least money enough to buy the soldiers shoes. To go foodless and barefoot without complaining, on the frozen swamps of Flanders, in January, was more than was to be expected from Spaniards and Italians. The country itself was eaten bare. The obedient Provinces had reaped absolute ruin as the reward of their obedience. Bruges, Ghent, and the other cities of Brabant and Flanders, once so opulent and powerful, had become mere dens of thieves and paupers. Agriculture, commerce, manufactures-all were dead. The condition of Antwerp was most tragical. The city, which had been so recently the commercial centre of the carth, was reduced to absolute beggary. Its world-wide traffic was abruptly terminated, for the mouth of its great river was controlled by Flushing, and Flushing was in the firm grasp of Sir Philip Sidney, as governor for the English Queen. Merchants and bankers, who had lately been possessed of enormous resources, were stripped of all. Such of the industrial classes as could leave the place had wandered away to Holland and England. There was no industry possible, for there was no market for the products of industry. Antwerp was hemmed in by the enemy on every side, surrounded by royal troops in a condition of open mutiny, cut off from the ocean, deprived of daily bread, and yet obliged to contribute. out of its poverty to the maintenance of the Spanish soldiers,

"No se puede pasar la vida sin comer." Parma to Philip II. 28 Feb. 1586. (Archivo de Simancas, MS.)

who were there for its destruction. Its burghers, compelled to furnish four hundred thousand florins, as the price of their capitulation, and at least six hundred thousand more1 for the repairs of the dykes, the destruction of which, too long deferred, had only spread desolation over the country without saving the city, and over and above all forced to rebuild, at their own expense, that fatal citadel, by which their liberty and lives were to be perpetually endangered, might now regret at leisure that they had not been as stedfast during their siege as had been the heroic inhabitants of Leyden in their time of trial, twelve years before. Obedient Antwerp was, in truth, most forlorn. But there was one consolation for her and for Philip, one bright spot in the else universal gloom. The ecclesiastics assured Parma, that, notwithstanding the frightful diminution in the population of the city, they had confessed and absolved more persons that Easter than they had ever done since the commencement of the revolt. Great was Philip's joy in consequence. "You cannot imagine my satisfaction," he wrote, "at the news you give me concerning last Easter."3

With a ruined country, starving and mutinous troops, a bankrupt exchequer, and a desperate and pauper population, Alexander Farnese was not unwilling to gain time by simulated negociations for peace. It was strange, however, that so sagacious a monarch as the Queen of England should suppose it for her interest to grant at that moment the very delay which was deemed most desirable by her antagonist.

Yet it was not wounded affection alone, nor insulted pride, nor startled parsimony, that had carried the fury of the Queen

'Parma to Philip II. 19 April, 1586. (Arch. de Sim. MS.)

The contemporary historians of the country do not paint more frightful pictures of the desolation of Antwerp, and of the obedient Provinces generally, than those furnished by the Prince of Parma in his secret letters to his sovereign. Compare Bor, II. 984; Meteren, xiii. 253°; Hoofd, Vervolgh, 251, et mult. al.

"Grandissima lastima," said Farneso

of Antwerp, "ver perdida tan principal villa, y la navigacion de ribera tan linda y provechosa no solo para el pais mas para todo el mundo." MS. before cited.

? Letter to Philip II. just cited.

"No podreys pensar el contento que me ha dado el aviso de la frequencia que huvo a los sacramentos la pasqua pasada," &c. Philip II. to Parma, 5 July, 1586. (Arch. de Sim. MS.)

1586.

PARMA'S NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE QUEEN.

491

to such a height on the occasion of Leicester's elevation to absolute government. It was still more, because the step was thought likely to interfere with the progress of those negociations into which the Queen had allowed herself to be drawn.

A certain Grafigni-a Genoese merchant residing much in London and in Antwerp, a meddling, intrusive, and irresponsible kind of individual, whose occupation was gone with the cessation of Flemish trade-had recently made his appearance as a volunteer diplomatist. The principal reason for accepting or rather for winking at his services, seemed to be the possibility of disavowing him, on both sides, whenever it should' be thought advisable. He had a partner or colleague, too, named Bodman, who seemed a not much more creditable negociator than himself. The chief director of the intrigue was, however, Champagny, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, restored to the King's favour and disposed to atone by his exuberant loyalty for his heroic patriotism on a former and most memorable occasion.1 Andrea de Loo, another subordinate politician, was likewise employed at various stages of the negociation.

It will soon be perceived that the part enacted by Burghley, Hatton, Croft, and other counsellors, and even by the Queen herself, was not a model of ingenuousness towards the absent Leicester and the States-General. The gentlemen sent at various times to and from the Earl and her Majesty's government, Davison, Shirley, Vavasor, Heneage, and the rest,had all expressed themselves in the strongest language concerning the good faith and the friendliness of the LordTreasurer and the Vice-Chamberlain,' but they were not so well informed as they would have been, had they seen the private letters of Parma to Philip II.

Walsingham, although kept in the dark as much as it was. possible, discovered from time to time the mysterious practices of his political antagonists, and warned the Queen of the

2

In the memorable Antwerp fury. See Rise of the Dutch Republic,'

vol. iii. chap.

2 Bruce's Leyc. Corresp.' pp. 112,

124, 143, 161, 176, 231. Leicester to Burghley, 18 March, 1586. (S. P. Office MS.)

danger and dishonour she was bringing upon herself.1 Elizabeth, when thus boldly charged, equivocated and stormed alternately. She authorized Walsingham to communicate the secrets-which he had thus surprised-to the StatesGeneral, and then denied having given any such orders.2

In truth, Walsingham was only entrusted with such portions of the negotiations as he had been able, by his own astuteness, to divine; and as he was very much a friend to the Provinces and to Leicester, he never failed to keep them instructed, to the best of his ability. It must be confessed, however, that the shuffling and paltering among great men and little men, at that period, forms a somewhat painful subject of contemplation at the present day.

Grafigni having some merchandise to convey from Antwerp to London, went early in the year to the Prince of Parma, at Brussels, in order to procure a passport. They entered into some conversation upon the misery of the country, and particularly concerning the troubles to which the unfortunate merchants had been exposed. Alexander expressed much sympathy with the commercial community, and a strong desire that the ancient friendship between his master and the Queen of England might be restored. Grafigni assured the Prince as the result of his own observation in England-that the Queen participated in those pacific sentiments. "You are going to England," replied the Prince, "and you may say to the ministers of her Majesty, that, after my allegiance to my King, I am most favourably and affectionately inclined towards her. If it pleases them that I, as Alexander Farnese, should attempt to bring about an accord, and if our commissioners could be assured of a hearing in England, I would take care that everything should be conducted with due regard to the honour and reputation of her Majesty.""