bestow a son on James. The king himself had, in the preceding August, turned aside from his progress to visit the Holy Well, and had there besought Saint Winifred to obtain for him that boon without which his great designs for the propagation of the true faith could be but imperfectly executed. The imprudent zealots who dwelt on these tales foretold with confidence that the unborn infant would be a boy, and offered to back their opinion by laying twenty guineas to one. Heaven, they affirmed, would not have interfered but for a great end. One fanatic announced that the queen would give birth to twins, of whom the elder would be King of England, and the younger Pope of Rome. Mary could not conceal the delight with which she heard this prophecy; and her ladies found that they could not gratify her more than by talking of it. The Roman Catholics would have acted more wisely if they had spoken of the pregnancy as of a natural event, and if they had borne with moderation their unexpected good fortune. Their insolent triumph excited the popular suspicions. From the Prince and Princess of Denmark down to porters and laundresses, nobody alluded to the promised birth without a sneer. The wits of London described the new miracle in rhymes which, it may well be supposed, were not the most delicate. The rough country squires roared with laughter if they met any one simple enough to believe that the queen was really likely to be again a mother. A royal proclamation appeared, commanding the clergy to read a form of prayer and thanksgiving which had been prepared for this joyful occasion by Crewe and Sprat. The clergy obeyed; but it was observed that the congregations made no responses, and showed no signs of reverence. Soon, in all the coffee-houses, was handed about a brutal lampoon on the courtly prelates whose pens the king had employed. Mother East had also her full share of abuse. Into that homely monosyllable our ancestors had degraded the name of the great house of Este which reigned at Modena.*

The new hope which elated the king's spirits was mingled with many fears. Something more than the birth of a Prince of Wales was necessary to the success of the plans formed by the Jesuitical party. It was not very likely that James would live till his son should be of age to exercise the regal functions. The law had made no provision for the case of a minority. The reigning sovereign was not competent to make provision for such a case by will. The Legislature only could supply the defect. If James should die before the defect had been supplied, eaving a successor of tender years, the supreme power would undoubtedly devolve on Protestants. Those Tories who held most firmly the doctrine that nothing could justify them in resisting their liege lord, would have no scruple about drawing their swords against a popish woman who should dare to usurp the guardianship of the realm and of the infant sovereign. The result of a contest could scarcely be matter of doubt. The Prince of Orange, or his wife, would be regent. The young king would be placed in the hands of heretical instructors, whose arts might speedily efface from his mind the impressions which might have been made on it in the nursery. He might prove another Edward the Sixth; and the blessing granted to the intercession of the Virgin Mother and of St. Win ifred might be turned into a curse.* This was a danger against which nothing but an act of Parliament could be a security; and to obtain such an act was not easy. Every thing seemed to indicate that, if the houses were convoked, they would come up to Westminster animated by

March 14 and 20, 1687; Barillon, Dec., 1687; Revolution Politics; the song "Two Toms and a Nat." Johnstone, April 4, 1688; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.

* The king's uneasiness on this subject is strongly described by Ronquillo, Dec. 12, 1688: " Un Principe de Vales y un Duque de York y otro di Lochaosterna (Lancaster, I suppose), no bastan á reducir la gente; porque el Rey tiene 54 años, y vendrá á morir, dejando los hijos pequeños, y que entonces el reyno se apoderará dellos, y los nombrará tutor, y los educará en la relig ion Protestante, contra la disposicion que dejare el Rey, y la autoridad de la Reyna."

the spirit of 1640. The event of the county elections could hardly be doubted. The whole body of freeholders, high and low, clerical and lay, was strongly excited against the government. In the great majority of those towns where the right of voting depended on the payment of local taxes, or on the occupation of a tenement, no courtly candidate could dare to show his face. A very large part of the House of Commons was returned by members of municipal corporations. These corporations had recently been remodeled for the purpose of destroying the influence of the Whigs and Dissenters. More than a hundred bor. oughs had been deprived of their charters by tribunals devoted to the crown, or had been induced to avert compulsory disfranchisement by voluntary surrender. Every mayor, every alderman, every town clerk, from Berwick to Helston, was a Tory and a Churchman; but Tories and Churchmen were now no longer devoted to the sovereign. The new municipalities were more unmanageable than the old municipalities had ever been, and would undoubtedly return representatives whose first act would be to impeach all the popish privy counselors, and all the members of the High Commission.

In the Lords the prospect was scarcely less gloomy than in the Commons. Among the temporal peers it was certain that an immense majority would be against the king's measures; and on that episcopal bench, which seven years before had unanimously supported him against those who had attempted to deprive him of his birthright, he could now look for support only to four or five sycophants despised by their profession and by their country.*

To all men not utterly blinded by passion, these diffi culties appeared insuperable. The most unscrupulous

* Three lists framed at this time are extant, one in the French archives the other two in the archives of the Portland family. In these lists every peer is entered under one of three heads, For the Repeal of the Test, Against the Repeal, and Doubtful. According to one list the numbers were, 31 for, 86 against, and 20 doubtful; according to another, 33 for, 87 against, and 19 doubtful; according to the third, 35 for, 92 against, and 10 doubtful. Copies of the three lists are in th Mackintosh MSS.

slaves of power showed signs of uneasiness. Dryden muttered that the king would only make matters worse by trying to mend them, and sighed for the golden days of the careless and good-natured Charles.* Even Jeffreys wavered. As long as he was poor, he was perfectly ready to face obloquy and public hatred for lucre. But he had now, by corruption and extortion, accumulated great riches; and he was more anxious to secure them than to increase them. His slackness drew on him a sharp reprimand from the royal lips. In dread of being deprived of the great seal, he promised whatever was required of him; but Barillon, in reporting this circumstance to Louis, remarked that the King of England could place little reliance on any man who had any thing to lose.f

Nevertheless, James determined to persevere. The sanction of a Parliament was necessary to his system. The sanction of a free and lawful Parliament it was evidently impossible to obtain; but it might not be altogether impossible to bring together by corruption, by intimidation, by violent exertions of prerogative, by fraudulent distor tions of law, an assembly which might call itself a Parlia ment, and might be willing to register any edict of the sovereign. Returning oflicers must be appointed who would avail themselves of the slightest pretense to declare the king's friends duly elected. Every placeman, from the highest to the lowest, must be made to understand that, if he wished to retain his office, he must, at this conjuncture, support the throne by his vote and interest. The High Commission, meanwhile, would keep its eye on the clergy. The boroughs which had just been remodeled to serve one turn might be remodeled again to serve another. By such means the king hoped to obtain a major

• There is in the British Musra a letter of Dryden to Edberege, cuand Feb. 16, 1688. I do not remember were won it is print -Gear Dryden, “that our monarch wosit quouage whe Deness by lus var rå ample, as be of blessed memory dis were but for my mind misgives ne that he will not much advante La ufare by stirring

ity in the House of Commons. The Upper House would then be at his mercy. He had undoubtedly, by law, the power of creating peers without limit, and this power he was fully determined to use. He did not wish, and, indeed, no sovereign can wish, to make the highest honor which is in the gift of the crown worthless. He cherished the hope that, by calling up some heirs apparent to the assembly in which they must ultimately sit, and by conferring English titles on some Scotch and Irish lords, he might be able to secure a majority without ennobling new men in such numbers as to bring ridicule on the coronet and the ermine. But there was no extremity to which he was not prepared to go in case of necessity. When, in a large company, an opinion was expressed that the peers would prove intractable, "Oh, silly," cried Sunderland, turning to Churchill," your troop of guards shall be called up to the House of Lords."*

Having determined to pack a Parliament, James set himself energetically and methodically to the work. A proclamation appeared in the Gazette, announcing that the king had determined to revise the commissions of peace and of lieutenancy, and to retain in public employment only such gentlemen as should be disposed to support his policy.f A committee of seven privy counselors sat at Whitehall, for the purpose of regulating-such was the phrase the municipal corporations. In this committee Jeffreys alone represented the Protestant interest. Powis alone represented the moderate Roman Catholics. All the other members belonged to the Jesuitical faction. Among them was Petre, who had just been sworn of the council. Till he took his seat at the board, his elevation had been kept a profound secret from every body but Sunderland. The public indignation at this new violation of the law was clamorously expressed; and it was remarked that the Roman Catholics were even louder in censure than the Protestants. The vain and ambitious Jesuit was

* Told by Lord Bradford, who was present, to Dartmouth; note on Bur ↑ London Gazette, Dec. 12, 1C87. net, i., 755.