Pius II. not to permit the Latins to fall a second time into the same mistake.

1

Pope Pius II. refused the wished-for aid; Bosnia fell; the predictions of King Stephen proved but too correct. Our authority for this narrative is Sismondi, in his Histoire des Républiques Italiennes; and if that great historian be as extreme in one direction as any Papal writer can be in the opposite; if his reflections are but too frequently prompted (as one of his compatriots once remarked to us) par la haine des rois, et la haine des prêtres; yet his honesty has throughout prevented him from anything like misstatement of facts. Moreover, we are writing with the Italian translation before us, a version by Signor L. Toccagni, published but a few years since at Milan.2 In this version the editors have added notes to such portions of Sismondi's work as appeared unfair to the Roman Church; but the portion referred to in the present instance has no such note. Whatever inferences may be fairly drawn from it (and the narrative tells against the Bosnians as well as the Italians), we leave to the judgment of our readers, simply observing that the very existence of such facts is but barely alluded to in Dr. Newman's Lectures."

But having freely pointed out what we consider blemishes in this volume, we may be permitted to speak with equal freedom of its manifold beauties and attractions. Although bearing some slight marks of haste, and of being got up for the occasion, although at times almost over-charged with facts, this little production will impart to most readers a far clearer and more connected view of Turkish history than can be derived from many books of far greater pretensions. Despite its partisanship (nay, perhaps in consequence of it, for it is open and avowed) it may be safely read, we should imagine, by any one. And in its skilful use of very varied and diverse materials, in its harmonious reconciliation of apparently conflicting statements, in its fine discrimination, in the magic of its style,-now pausing in philosophic thoughtfulness, now hurrying onward with a vigorous flow of narrative, and breaking forth at moments into bursts of eloquence,-in its winning apostrophes, in its fulness alike of denunciation and of praise, some, at least, will recognise once more the workings of those marvellous gifts of head and heart, which erst held them as if spell-bound and enthralled, imparted to them fresh views of life, taught them much con

1 Chap. lxxix.

2 Milano, Borroni e Scotti, 1851.

3 The advice and exhortations of Pope Pius II. to the heroic Scanderbeg (A.D. 1463) to break a solemn treaty which had been most rigidly observed by the Turkish Sultan, were as imprudent as they were morally indefensible. Scanderbeg had great scruples, but at length, to his cost, gave way.-Sismondi, chap. lxxix.

cerning themselves, much concerning the world around them, still more concerning the world unseen,-knowledge that cannot perish, thoughts that must abide with them their whole life long, lessons, of whose teacher they cannot but think, when, with good Bishop Andrewes, they thank their Maker for all who have benefitted them by their writings.

The works thus enumerated will be our principal, though not our sole, sources of information. We would fain employ them as the Roman philosopher professes to have used the writings of the Stoics: Sequimur, . . . non ut interpretes, sed . . . è fontibus eorum, judicio arbitrioque nostro, quantum quoque modo videbitur, hauriemus.' I

1

Among the characteristics of the nation and of the land where Mahometanism first arose, there are some which exercised no inconsiderable influence upon the reception and promulgation of that creed. Of these it will be well to make some mention.

:

2

And firstly, if for freedom of thought there be needed a long previous training of civil and social freedom, it may safely be asserted that in few countries could there have existed a safer asylum than in Arabia. Protected upon one side by deserts, which few foreign enemies would venture to traverse; seldom spoken of by the Egyptians, who desired to keep all Indian as well as African commerce in their own hands, it was little known to either Greeks or Romans and although the fame of the fertility and wealth of at least one district (that of Yemen) had given the country at large some celebrity as early as the time of Herodotus, it was reserved for the Macedonian conqueror to conceive the idea of subduing it, and making it a seat of empire. That design, however, Alexander did not live to realize; nor do we find any account of a conquest of Arabia before the Christian era. About a century after Christ, the all-absorbing influence of Rome had indeed cast its shadow upon the land, and medals were being struck by Trajan in honour of this addition to the empire. But the vaunted conquest only extended to a province; so that of this and of other later foreign dominations Gibbon is obliged to admit that they have been only temporary or local; that the body of the nation has escaped the yoke of the most powerful monarchies; that neither Sesostris nor Cyrus, Pompey nor Trajan, had ever really become its master.

The Arab is considered by good judges to be a fine specimen. of the human race, both in his physical and intellectual development. Certainly no mere advantages of country could have

3

1 Cicero, de Officiis, lib. i. cap. ii. § 6.

2 Herod. iii. 107.

3 Chateaubriand, cited with approval by Dr. Pritchard (Researches int Physical

availed to keep a people free, under the attacks of so many and powerful foes, without much courage and spirit on their own. part. Great energy and strength of will seem conspicuous among them; and the strong attachment between those of the same tribe produced, as of old among the Highland clans of our own kingdom, much pure and generous sentiment, despite its tendency to the same grave faults of character. They have ever been respectful to their elders, and liberal in their hospitality; and their exceeding good faith towards one another is noticed by the father of history.1

Some of the tribes lived in tents, some in towns and cities. Although there seem to be instances of an alternation between predatory and mercantile pursuits on the part of some, yet commerce was naturally more flourishing among the inhabitants of the towns. Nor was merchandise considered in any way dishonourable: the noblest warriors united trade with the profession of arms. Indeed, the very name of the distinguished tribe (the Koreish, or, as French writers give it, Coraychites) from which Mahomet sprung, is thought to signify men of commerce.' And although the Koreish themselves may not have been descended from Ishmael, yet in both these features of character we may trace the influence of the tribes which owned that parentage. For while, on the one hand, this progenitor was to be a 'a wild man, his hand against every man, and every man's hand against his,' yet we know that, in the third or fourth generation, the Ishmeelites were willing, as merchantmen, to purchase an Hebrew for a slave,' as they journeyed from Gilead to Egypt, with their camels bearing spicery, and balm, and myrrh.

6

The descent of a large portion of the Arabian tribes from Ishmael, although for very obvious reasons the subject of some sneers on the part of Gibbon, does not appear to have been in any degree shaken, but on the contrary confirmed, by more recent research. The remaining tribes, with a few comparatively unimportant exceptions, claimed descent from Kahtan, the son of Eber,-the Joktan of our version of the Bible,' the Yectan of the modern French writer. These last claimed to be

4

History of Mankind). See Art. Arabia in Dr. Smith's 'New Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.'

1 Σέβονται δὲ ̓Αράβιοι πίστις ἀνθρώπων ὁμοῖα τοῖσι μάλιστα. in this construction, says Matthiæ, Greek Grammar,' § 290.) 2 Caussin (tom. i. pp. 229, 230) thinks this a very probable word.

3 Genesis xvi. 12; xxxvii. 25-28.

(Supply σεβομένοις Herod. iii. 8. derivation of the

Mr. Forster, in his Mahometanism Unveiled,' is considered to have established this point, even by those who (like ourselves) are not prepared to accept his theories. 5 Genesis x. 25-29.

the oldest and purest race, the Arab-el-Araba,' or Arabs of the Arabs, a phrase which has naturally been compared with St. Paul's expression, 'an Hebrew of the Hebrews.' They and their probable descendants, the Koreish, occupied the north of the country the Ishmeelites and their descendants (the Himyarites, the Homerita of classic authors) held the south. Among the exceptions alluded to, seem to have been some of the descendants of Abraham by Keturah, and, subsequently, certain of the children of Esau. It is true that Herodotus,1 and it appears also, Ibn-Khaldoun, agree with some ancient traditions in placing certain Cushite and Canaanite tribes in these regions: but these children of Ham disappeared; the Canaanites went to Syria and there became famous under the title of Phoenicians; the Cushites concentrated themselves in Ethiopia. Any remnants of these Hamite tribes were engulfed by the dominant children of Shem; and thus, from a very early period, Arabia has been inhabited by a purely Semitic race.

This circumstance will not appear unimportant to those who consider how largely it has pleased the Almighty to make the sons of Shem depositaries of spiritual truth. It had been suspected by Mr. Hallam,' from the tone of the romance of Antár (supposed to be pre-Mahometan), that however much idolatry might prevail in some parts of Arabia, still the genuine religion of the descendants of Ishmael was a belief in the unity of God as strict as the Koran itself can teach. This suspicion, which had been stated by other writers also, may now be considered as an established truth. To M. Caussin de Perceval belongs the credit of having done the most towards its confirmation. Nevertheless, it will be seen, as we proceed, how seriously, before the rise of Mahomet, the monotheistic creed had been sullied and impaired.

6

We know, from the vivid portraitures of Sir Walter Scott, how the principle of clanship, which gives rise to so much that is striking and devoted in human nature, has likewise its less favourable side; of this unfavourable aspect the Arab displays his full share. Their own writers,' observes Sale, acknowledge 'that they have a natural disposition to war, bloodshed, cruelty and rapine; being so much addicted to malice, that they scarce 'ever forget an old grudge.' The same writer mentions an amusing theory of some physicians, to the effect, that this

6

1 Herod. i. 1. Φοίνικας . . . . ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐρυθρῆς καλεομένης θαλάσσης. See, however, the note of Bähr upon this passage. The Red Sea may be meant to include the 2 Caussin, tom. i. p. 5.

Persian Gulf.

3 Hist. of Middle Ages, vol. ii. chap. 6. (2d Note.)

4 Cf. M. Renan, p. 1089.

5 Preliminary Discourse, sect. i.

vindictive spirit is engendered by the frequent use of camel's flesh as food; the camel being an animal most revengeful and tenacious of its anger: but the genuine Arab would hardly, we suspect, care to invent this, or any other palliation, for what he believed a blameless feeling. Other nations have at least had sayings on the duty of forgiveness,' if they have not attained to the practice of that virtue, which, even in Christians, is one of the highest and latest fruits of heaven-sent grace; but the Arabian is unblushing on this score.

Perhaps in estimating the intensity of clannish rivalry and vengeance among this people, we ought to take into account the circumstance, that the Arabs, beyond all other nomadic tribes, have vividly expressed the whole of what they felt. Other people may have harboured sentiments in their breast, and waited till an opportunity arose to express them in action; but the dwellers in Arabia, from an early age, have prided themselves on the gift of language, and been passionately fond of poetry. Indeed they go so far as to imagine that their own is the only tongue possessing a grammar, and that all other dialects are but rude patois. One of their countrymen, who has travelled in France, the Sheik Rifaa, has been at great pains to remove this prejudice, and inform his brethren that the French language likewise has its own rules and elegances, and an academy to regulate them." But, however much this ludicrous self-sufficiency betrays the spirit of a barbaric race, untaught by civilization even to approximate to a just estimate of the gifts of any nation beyond themselves, yet the critiques of Oriental scholars seem to justify the Arabs in not thinking meanly of the capacities and refinements of their tongue. Translated into the languages of the West, it must, of course, suffer an almost unappreciable amount of injury. In every language,' says Southey, there is a magic of words as un'translatable as the Sesame of the Arabian tale, you may ' retain the meaning, but if the words be changed the spell is 'lost. The magic has its effect only upon those to whom the 'language is as familiar as their mother tongue; hardly, indeed, upon any but those to whom it is really such.' . Hence, certainly, one great cause of the apparent poverty, to an European ear, of much that delighted and thrilled the hearts of the Asiatic hearers to whom it was first addressed.

93

1 Mr. Trench (Hulsean Lectures, p. 155) alludes to a beautiful collection of Indian sayings of this kind. It must be owned that they do not exist in Greek or Roman writers; at least, we can only call to mind the fine exceptions in Juvenal and Homer, Il. ix. 492, et seq. The great speech of Demosthenes is not a real exception. He praises public and national pardons, which, after all, were in great part suggested by motives of policy. 2 M. Renan.

3 Quart. Rev. xxvii. 38, cit. ap. Hallam. Lit. of Europe, vol. ii. p. 287.