enjoyed, carried with him the approbation of a considerable portion of the people, commanded the applause of foreign nations, and has left a name which will in all future times continue to hold a distinguished place in the history of his country. It must, therefore, be a subject of interesting investigation to detail the origin of those causes which gradually produced that unwonted condition of things, the effects of which were experienced in the temporary downfall of monarchical government, a change in the form of religion, and the substitution of a polity both in church and state, altogether unknown to the English people. A brief review of the leading principles and events which paved the way for the operations of the Long Parliament, and the usurpation of Oliver Cromwell, will constitute the main subject of the following chapter.

CHAPTER II.

Containing a short Account of the Political and Religious Principles which led to the Civil War in the reign of Charles the First.

ALTHOUGH no conclusions are more uncertain than those which rest upon the philosophy of history, it is nevertheless perfectly obvious that we shall read in vain the annals of the human race, unless we derive from them a deeper knowledge of the motives which influence man in his social relations, and of those more general principles upon which all government must have its ultimate support. It is the error of ignorant statesmen to account for the most important events by a reference to the particular circumstances in which they find themselves placed, instead of looking back to the progress of the opinions which had produced the crisis which they wish to regulate, or of endeavouring to detect the source of the evil which they are desirous to remedy. They are disposed to regard the movement before their eyes as the result of causes which had not operated before, and which are not likely to be called into action again; and hence, they not only lose the most valuable lessons of practical wisdom, but volun

tarily shut their eyes upon the path through which they might escape from all the difficulties by which they feel themselves surrounded.

The history of a revolution, in particular, cannot fail to be instructive, because it usually proceeds from desires and passions which are openly avowed, and are in fact incapable of con cealment. In this case the effect appears so closely combined with the cause, that the exa mination of the one immediately reveals the nature of the other: and although the varying circumstances of political life, in different ages and nations, necessarily give rise to peculiarities in the source and character of the innovations proposed, still a knowledge of the permanent principles of the human heart will prove a safe guide to him who has understanding enough to profit by experience. In tracing the natural history of the globe, our enquiries are impeded, not by the magnitude of the subject, nor by the length of time which has elapsed, nor even by the absence of phenomena similar to those to which, in the actual condition of the earth's surface, our geological conclusions must be restricted; but by the conviction that in the structure, as well as in the early convulsions to which our planet has been subjected, certain physical energies must have been employed which have long ceased to act, and which have only left effects sufficiently distinct to enable us to conjecture the amazing extent of their power. The agitations of the social and political world, on the contrary, bear a greater resemblance to the арparent aberration of astronomical bodies, which can be explained.upon principles which are well

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known, and act with a regular and constant force in a determinate direction.

The British Revolution, which assumed a distinct form in the days of the First Charles, and was.completed in the reign of James the Second, originated in causes which can be clearly traced to the period which witnessed the accession of the Tudors. The same great changes in the state of society which led to the Reformation, opened up the path in which the patriots of England advanced to the accomplishment of that not less important object, which was never long absent from their views during the century which preceded the invasion of William the Third. The increase of knowledge and of property among the commons was the main agent, which effected, by a gradual but irresistible operation, the improvement of the constitution, and the enlargement of civil liberty. At a still earlier period, indeed, the theory of government had attained to considerable perfection; for the spirit of the feudal system, under which the forms of political society were originally established in this country, was not inconsistent with the claims of personal freedom in all classes but the very lowest. In opposition to the weak and arbitrary administration of Henry the Third, authority was extorted from the Crown to elect and return to Parliament two knights for each shire, two citizens for each city, two burgesses for each borough, and two barons for each cinque port, to represent the commons, or community at large. The reigns of Edward the First and of his grandson were distinguished by some important accessions to popular privileges; and if

we might judge of the extent of liberty which was enjoyed by the means and precautions which were used for its support, there would be no rashness in asserting that the frame of English law already embodied the leading principles of a free constitution.

But however perfect the theoretical outline might appear, the administration of the government in a rude age must have admitted many exceptions to a complete security of either person or property. Amidst the confusion of the frequent wars in which the country was engaged, and the turbulence of the more powerful barons, the voice of law could not be heard, so as to extend its protection to the lower orders of the people; and it was not until the successful pursuits of agriculture and of commerce had raised the inhabitants of the maritime counties in the scale of wealth and intelligence, that the real benefits of the constitution began to be enjoyed. Such is the natural curiosity inherent in the human mind, that whenever men have the means of information placed within their reach, they are found to examine and compare; and from that moment the grosser corruptions of national policy can only be maintained by force, or by the dread of greater evils which would attend their instant removal. It is accordingly worthy of observation, that so early as the reign of Henry the Fifth," the times were now come about when light began to spring forth, conscience to bestir itself, and men to study the Scriptures. This was imputed to the idleness and carelessness of the clergy, who suffered the minds of young scholars to luxuriate into errors