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were more ftudious to produce the marvellous by the enormous fize of their fabric, than by any regularity of structure or propriety of ornaments. Thefe are the marks that characterize the Goths, a rough unpolished people, of huge ftature and of dreadful looks, that iffuing out from the northern parts of our hemifphere, where neceflity taught them to guard against the violence of ftorms and the fury of torrents, increased by the inundations of melted fnow, carried into milder climates their monftrous taste of heavy architecture, and only in a fmall degree corrected their encumbered notions by the fight of Roman edifices; but the models they had to contemplate were not without their faults, for from the reign of Alexander Severus, architecture had greatly degenerated. Thus a want of natural genius, a want of models, and every thing contributed to hinder the Goths from acquiring any good mode of building. This is the fummary of the ancient or heavy Gothic architecture; fome of the cathedrals and other public edifices, not only in this country, but in many others of the continent, ftill remain as models of this fort. Modern Gothic, as it is called, is deduced from a different quarter; it is diftinguished by the lightness of its works, by the exceffive boldness of its elevations and of its fections, by the delicacy, profufion, and extravagant fancy of its ornaments: the pillars of this kind are as flender as thofe of the ancient Gothic are maffive. Such productions, fo airy, cannot admit the heavy Goths for their authors; how can be attributed to them a ftyle of architecture which was only introduced

in the X century of our æra, feveral years after the destruction of all thofe kingdoms which the Goths had raised upon the ruins of the Roman empire, and at a time when the very name of Goth was entirely forgotten? From all the marks of this new architecture, it can only be attributed to the Moors, or what is the fame thing, to the Arabians or Saracens, who have expreffed in their architecture the fame tafte as in their poely, both the one and the other falfely delicate, crowded with fuperfluous ornaments, and often very unnatural. The imagination is highly worked up in both, but it is an extravagant imagination; and this has rendered the edifices of the Arabians (we may include the other orientals) as extraordinary as their thoughts; if any one doubts of this affertion, let us appeal to those who have seen the Mofcheas, and the palaces of Fez, or fome of the cathedrals in Spain, built by the Moors: one model of this fort is the church at Burgos; and even in this ifland, there are not wanting feveral examples of the fame. Such buildings have been vulgarly called modern Gothic, but their true appellation is Arabesc, Saracenic, or Morefc.

This manner was introduced into Europe through Spain. Learning flourished among the Arabians all the time that their dominion was in full power; they ftudied philofophy, mathematics, phyfic, and poetry: the love of learning was at once excited in all places that were not at too great a distance from Spain; these authors were read, and fuch of the Greek authors as they had tranflated into Arabic, were from thence turned

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nto Latin. The phyfic and philo- n ear the building they made a camp of hills. A furveyor governed in chief, and every tenth man called a warden, and overlooked each nine. The gentlemen of the neighbourhood, either out of charity or commutation of penance, gave the materials and carriage, and hence were called accepted Mafons. It is admirable with what economy, and how foon they erected fuch confiderable ftructures. But as all modes, when once the old rational ways are defpifed, turn at laft into unbounded fancies, the tracery of thefe architects who affected towers and fteeples, though the Saracens affected cupolas, introduced too much mincing of the ftone into open battlements, fpindling pinnacles, and little carvings without proportion of distance, fo that the effential rules of good perpective and duration were forgot.

ophy of the Arabians fpread themelves in Europe, and with these heir architecture; many churches were built after the Saracenic mode, and others, with a mixture of heavy and light proportions; the alteration that the difference of climate might require, was little if at all confidered. In the most fouthern parts of Europe, and in Africa, the windows (before the ufe of glaís) made with narrow apertures, and placed very high in the walls of the buildings, occafioned a shade and darknefs withinfide, and were well contrived to guard against the fierce rays of the fun, yet were ill fuited to thofe latitudes where that glorious luminary sheds its feebler influences, and is rarely feen but through a watery cloud. The heavy Gothic by Sir C. Wren, is diftinguifhed as Anglo-Saxonic, the lighter as Saracenic; of this laft the following account may be added to what has juft now been delivered on the fame fubje&. The holy war gave the Chriftians, who had been there, an idea of the Saracens works, which were afterwards imitated by them in the weft; and they refined upon it every day, as they proceeded in building churches. The Italians (among which were yet fome Greek refugees) and with them the French, Germans, and Flemings, joined into a fraternity, procuring papal bulls for their encouragement and particular privileges. They filed themfelves Free-Mafons, and ranged from nation to nation, as they found churches to be built, (for very many in thofe days were every where in building) through the piety of multitudes. Their government was regular, and where they fixed

an account of the cruel sacrifices of

the Canaanites, Phenicians, and other nations. From Obfervations and Inquiries relating to various parts of ancient Hiftory; by Jacob Bryant.

NE would think it fcarce

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poffible, that fo unnatural a custom, as that of human facrifices, fhould have exifted in the world: but it is very certain, that it did not only exist, but almost univer fally prevail. I have before taken notice, that the Egyptians of old brought no victims to their temples, nor fhed any blood at their altars: But human victims and the blood of men must be here excepted; which at one period they moft certainly offered to their gods. The Cretans had the fame cuftom; and adhered to it a much longer time. The nations of Arabia

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did the fame. The people of Dumah in particular facrificed every year a child; and buried it underneath an altar, which they made use of instead of an idol for they did not admit of images. The Perfians buried people alive. Ameftris, the wife of Xerxes, entombed twelve perfons quick under ground for the good of her foul. It would be endless to enumerate every city, or every province, where thefe fad practices obtained. The Cyprians, the Rhodians, the Phoceans, the Ionians, thofe of Chios, Lefbos, Tenedos, all had human facrifices. The natives of the Tauric Cherfonefus offered up to Diana every ftranger whom chance threw upon their coaft. Hence arofe that juft expoftulation in Euripides, upon the inconfiftency of the proceeding; wherein much good reasoning is implied. Iphigenia wonders, as the goddefs delighted in the blood of men, that every villain and murderer fhould be privileged to escape; nay, be driven from the threshold of the temple whereas, if an honeft and virtuous man chanced to ftray thither, he only was feized upon, and put to death. The Pelafgi, in a time of fcarcity, vowed the tenth of all that should be born to them, for a facrifice, in order to procure plenty. Ariftomenes the Meffenian new three hundred noble Lacede, monians, among whom was Theopompus the king of Sparta, at the altar of Jupiter at Ithome. Without doubt the Lacedemonians did not fail to make ample returns: For they were a fevere and revengeful people, and offered the like victims to Mars. Their feftival of the Diamaftigofis is well known; when the Spartan boys

were whipped in the fight of their parents with fuch feverity before the altar of Diana Orthia, that they often expired under the torture. Phylarchus affirms, as he is quoted by Porphyry, that of old every Grecian flate made it a rule, before they marched towards an enemy, to folicit a bleffing on their undertaking by human victims.

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The Romans were accuftomed to the like facrifices. They both devoted themfelves to the infernal gods, and conftrained others to fubmit to the fame horrid doom. Hence we read in Titus Livius, that in the confulate of Æmilius Paulus and Terentius Varro, two Gauls, a man and a woman, and two in like manner of Greece, were buried alive at Rome in the OxMarket, where was a place under ground, walled round, to receive them; which had before been made use of for fuch cruel purposes. fays, it was a facrifice not properly Roman; that is, not originally of Roman inftitution: yet it was frequently practifed there, and that too by public authority. Plutarch makes mention of a like inftance a few years before, in the consulship of Flaminius and Furius. There is reafon to think, that all the principal captives, who graced the triumphs of the Romans, were at the clofe of that cruel pageantry put to death at the altar of Jupiter Capitolinus. Caius Marius offered up his own daughter for a victim to the Dii Averrunci, to procure fuccefs in a battle against the Cimbri; as we are informed by Dorotheus, quoted by Clemens. It is likewife attefted by Plutarch, who fays that her name was Cal purnia. Marius was a man of a

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four and bloody difpofition; and had probably heard of fuch facrifices being offered in the enemies camp, among whom they were very common or he might have beheld them exhibited at a distance: and therefore murdered what was nearest, and should have been deareft, to him; to counteract their fearful fpells, and outdo them in their wicked machinery. Cicero, making mention of this cuftom being common in Gaul, adds, that it prevailed among that people, even at the time when he was fpeaking from whence we may be led to infer, that it was then discontinued among the Romans. And we are told by Pliny, that it had then, and not very long, been discouraged. For there was a law enacted, when Lentulus and Craffus were confuls, fo late as the 657th year of Rome, that there fhould be no more human facrifices: for till that time thofe horrid rites had been celebrated in broad day without any mafk, or controul: which, had we not the best evidence for the fact, would appear fcarce credible. And however difcontinued they may have been for a time, we find, that they were again renewed; though they became not fo public, nor fo general. For not very long after this, it is reported of Auguftus Cæfar, when Perufia furrendered in the time of the fecond Triumvirate, that befides multitudes executed in a military manner, he offered up upon the Ides of March three hundred chofen perfons, both of the Equeftrian and Senatorian order, at an altar dedicated to the manęs of his uncle Julius. Even at Rome itself this custom was revived: And Porphyry affures us, that in his time a man

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was every year facrificed at the fhrine of Jupiter Latiaris. Heliogabalus offered the like victims to the Syrian deity, which he introduced among the Romans. The fame is faid of Aurelian.

The Gauls and the Germans were fo devoted to this fhocking cuftom, that no bufinefs of any moment was tranfacted among them, without being prefaced with the blood of men. They were offered up to various gods; but particularly to Hefus, Taranis, and Thautates. Thefe deities are mentioned by Lucan, where he enumerates the various nations who followed the fortunes of Cafar.

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The altars of these gods were far removed from the common refort of men being generally fituated in the depth of woods; that the gloom might add to the horror of the operation, and give a reverence to the place and proceeding. The perfons devoted were led thither by the Druids, who prefided at the folemnity, and performed the cruel offices of the facrifice. Tacitus takes notice of the cruelty of the Hermunduri, in a war with the Catti, wherein they had greatly the advantage: at the clofe of which they made one general facrifice of all that was taken in battle. Victor diverfam aciem Marti ac Mercurio facraverat : quo voto, equi, viri, cuncta victa occidioni dantur. The poor remains of the legions

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under Varus fuffered in fome degree the fame fate. Lucis propinquis barbara ara, apud quas Tribunos, ac primorum ordinum centuriones mactaverant. There were many places destined for this purpofe all over Gaul and Germany; but especially in the mighty woods of Arduenna, and the great Hercinian foreft; a wild, that extended above thirty days journey in length. The places fet apart for this folemnity were held in the utmost reverence; and only approached at particular feafons. Lucan mentions a grove of this fort near Maffilia, which even the Roman foldiers were afraid to violate, though commanded by Cæfar. It was one of those fet apart for the facrifices of the country.

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Relligione truces, et robora numiniş inftar

Barbarici, noftræ feriant impune fecures.

Thefe practices prevailed among all the people of the north, of whatever denomination. The Maffagetæ, the Scythians, the Getes, the Sarmatians, all the various nations upon the Baltick, particularly the Suevi and Scandinavians, held it as a fixed principle, that their happiness and fecurity could not be obtained, but at the expence of the lives of others. Their chief gods were Thor, and Woden; whom, they thought, they could never fufficiently glut with blood. They had many very celebrated places of worship; especially in the inland Rugen, near the mouth of the Oder; and in Zeeland: fome too very famous among the Semnones, and Naharvalli. But the

most reverenced of all, and the most frequented, was at Upfal; where there was every year a grand celebrity, which continued for nine days. During this term they facrificed animals of all forts: but the moft acceptable victims, and the moft numerous, were men. Ipfas victimas apud plerofque commendabat humanus fanguis, effufus ante Deorum aras, et diro carmine dovotus: introducta immani illâ, ac barbara Scytharum confuetudine, qui Deos immortales hominum fcelere et fanguine placari poffe arbitrabantur. Of thefe facrifices none were esteemed fo aufpicious, and falutary, as a facrifice of the prince of the country. When the lot fell for the king to die, it was received with univerfal acclamations, and every expreffion of joy; as it once happened in the time of a famine, when they caft

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