CHA P. reign, who, perhaps better than her own issue, would XXXIX. imitate her example, in loving and cherishing her people : And that for her part, the defired, that no higher cha1558. racter, nor fairer remembrance of her fhould be tranfmitted to pofterity, than to have this inscription engraved on her tomb-ftone, when the fhould pay the laft debt to nature e; "Here lies Elizabeth, who lived and died a "maiden queen Y." 81b May. AFTER the prorogation of the parliament 2, the laws, enacted with regard to religion, were put in execution, and met with no oppofition from any quarter. The liturgy was again introduced in the vulgar tongue, and the oath of fupremacy was tendered to the clergy. The number of bishops had been reduced to fourteen by a fickly feafon, which preceded; and all thefe, except the bishop of Landaffe, having refufed compliance, were degraded from their fees: But of the inferior clergy throughout all England, where there are near 10,000 parishes, only eighty rectors and vicars, fifty prebendaries, fifteen heads of colleges, twelve archdeacons, and as many deans, facrificed their livings to their religious principles A. Those in high ecclefiaftical ftations, being exposed to the eyes of the world, feem chiefly to have placed a point of honour in their perfeverance; but on the whole, the protestants, in the former change introduced by Mary, appear to have been much more rigid and confcientious. Though the catholic religion, adapting itself to the fenfes, and requiring obfervances, which enter into the common train of life, does at present lay fafter hold of the mind than the reformed, which, being chiefly fpiritual, refembles more a fyftem of metaphyfics; yet was the proportion of zeal, as well as of knowledge, during the first ages after the reformation, much greater on the fide of the proteftants. The catholics continued, ignorantly, Cambden, p. 375. Sir Simon d'Ewes. Z It is thought remarkable by Cambden, that though this feffion was the first of the reign, no perfon was attainted; but on the contrary, fome reftored in blood by the parliament. A good fymptom of the lenity, at least of the prudence, of the queen's government: and that it should appear remarkable. is a proof of the rigour of preceding reigns. A Canibden, p. 376. Heylin, p. 115. Strype, vol. i. p. 73, with fome fmall variations. ignorantly, and fupinely, in their antient belief, or ra- CHA P. ther their antient practices: But the reformers, obliged XXXIX. to dispute on every occafion, and inflamed to a degree of enthusiasm by novelty and perfecution, had strongly attached themselves to their tenets; and were ready to facrifice their fortunes, and even their lives, in defence of their speculative and abstract principles. peo THE forms and ceremonies, ftill preferved in the English liturgy, as they bore some resemblance to the antient service, tended farther to reconcile the catholics to the established religion; and as the queen permitted no other mode of worship, and at the same time struck out every thing that could be offenfive to them in the new liturgy, even those addicted to the Romish communion made no fcruple of attending the established church. Had Elizabeth gratified her own inclinations, the exterior appearance, which is the chief circumstance with the ple, would have been still more fimilar between the new and the antient form of worship. Her love of state and magnificence, which the affected in every thing, inspired her with an inclination towards the pomp of the catholic religion; and it was merely in compliance with the prejudices of her party, that she gave up either images, or the addresses to faints, or prayers for the dead C. Some foreign princes interpofed to procure the Romanists the privilege of feparate affemblies in particular cities, but the queen would not comply with their request; and represented the manifeft danger of disturbing the national peace by a toleration of different religions D. 1559. WHILE the queen and parliament were employed in Peace with fettling the public religion, the negociations for a peace France. were still conducted, first at Cercamp, then at CateauCambrefis, between the ministers of France, Spain, and England; and Elizabeth, though equally prudent, was not fo fuccefsful in this tranfaction. Philip employed his utmost efforts to procure the restitution of Calais, both as bound in honour to indemnify England, which, merely on his account, had been drawn into the war; and as engaged in intereft to remove France to a distance from his frontiers in the Low Countries. So long as he entertained B Heylin, p. (II. Cambden, p. 371. 370. c Burnet, D. Ibid, p. 378. vol. ii. p. 376, 397. CHA P. tained hopes of efpoufing the queen, he delayed conXXXIX. cluding a peace with Henry; and even after the change of religion in England deprived him of all fuch views, his 1559. minifters hinted to her a propofal, which may be regarded as reafonable and honourable. Though all his own terms with France were fettled, he feemed willing to continue the war, till she should obtain fatisfaction; provided the would ftipulate to adhere to the Spanish alliance, and continue hoftilities against Henry, during the courfe of fix years B: But Elizabeth, after confulting with her minifters, wifely rejected this propofal. She was fenfible of the low state of her finances; the great debts contracted by her father, brother, and fister; the diforders introduced into every part of the adminiftration; the divifions by which her people were agitated; and she was convinced that nothing but tranquillity during fome years could bring the kingdom again into a flourishing condition, or enable her to act with dignity and vigour, in her tranfactions with foreign nati ons. Well acquainted with the value which Henry put upon Calais, and the impoffibility, during the prefent emergency, of recovering it by treaty, fhe was willing rather to fuffer that loss, than submit to fuch dependence on Spain, as she must expect to fall into, if the continued pertinaciously in her present demand. She ordered, therefore, her ambaffadors, lord Effingham, the bishop · of Ely, and Dr. Watton, to conclude the negociation, and to fettle a peace with Henry, on any reasonable terms. Henry offered to ftipulate a marriage between the eldest daughter of the dauphin, and the eldest son of Elizabeth; and to engage for the reftitution of Calais as the dowry of that princefs F; but as the qeeen was sensible, that this treaty would appear to the world a palpable evasion, she infifted upon more equitable, at least, more plausible conditions. It was at laft agreed, that Henry should restore Calais at the expiration of eight years; that, in case of failure, he should pay five hundred thousand crowns, and the queen's title to Calais still remain; that he should find the security of feven or eight foreign merchants, not natives of France, for the payment of this fum; that he should deliver five hostages till E Forbes's Full View, vol. i. p. 59. F Forbes, vol. i. P. 54. 1558. till that fecurity was provided; that if Flizabeth broke CHA P. the peace with France or Scotland during that interval, XXXIX. she should forfeit all title to Calais; but if Henry made war on Elizabeth, he should be obliged immediately to reftore that fortress G. All men of penetration easily faw, that these ftipulations were but a colourable pretence for abandoning Calais; but they excufed the queen on account of the neceffity of her affairs; and they even extolled her prudence, in fubmitting, without further ftruggle, to that neceffity. A peace with Scotland was a neceffary confequence of that with France. PHILIP and Henry terminated hostilities with a mutual restitution of all places taken during the course of the war; and Philip efpoufed the princess Elizabeth, eldest daughter of France, formerly betrothed to his fon Don Carlos. The duke of Savoy married Margaret, Henry's fifter, and obtained a reftitution of all his dominions of Savoy and Piedmont, except a few towns, retained by France. And thus general tranquility feemed to be reitored to Europe. Scots. BUT though a peace was concluded and figned between Disgust France and England, there foon appeared a ground of between quarrel, of the most serious nature, and which was the queen afterwards attended with the most important confe- and Mary quences. The two marriages of Henry the eighth, that queen of with Catherine of Arragon, and that with Anne Boleyn, were incompatible with each other; and it feemed impoffible, that both of them could be regarded as valid and legal: but still the birth of Elizabeth lay under fome disadvantages, to which that of her fifter, Mary, was not exposed. Henry's first marriage had obtained the fanction of all the powers, both civil and ecclefiaftical, which were then acknowledged in England; and it was natural, for proteftants as well as Romanifts, to allow, on account of the fincere intentions of the parties, that their iffue ought to be regarded as legitimate. But his divorce, and fecond marriage, had been concluded in direct oppofition to the fee of Rome; and though they had been ratified by the authority both of the English parliament and convocation, thofe who were strongly attached to the catholic communion, and who reafoned with great ftrictness, were led to regard them as entirely invalid, G Forbes, p. 68. Rymer, tom, xv. p. 505. and CHAP. and to deny altogether the queen's right of fucceffion. XXXIX. The next heir of blood was the queen of Scots, now married to the dauphin; and the great power of that 1559. princess, joined to her plaufible title, rendered her a formidable rival to Elizabeth. The king of France had fecretly been foliciting at Rome a bull of excommunication against the queen; and she had here been beholden to the good offices of Philip, who, from intereft more than either friendship or generofity, had negociated in her favour, and had fuccefsfully oppofed the pretenfions of Henry. But the court of France was not difcouraged with this repulfe: The duke of Guife, and his brothers, thinking, that it would much augment their credit, if their niece fhould bring an acceffion of England, as the had already done of Scotland, to the crown of France, engaged the king not to neglect the claim; and, by their perfuafion, he ordered his fon and daughter-in-law to affume openly the arms as well as title of England, and to quarter these arms on all their equipages, furniture, and liveries. When the English ambaffador complained of this injury, he could obtain nothing but an evasive anfwer; that as the queen of Scots was defcended from the blood royal of England, she was entitled, by the example of many princes, to affume the arms of that kingdom. But befides that this practice had never prevailed without permiffion being first obtained, and without making a vifible difference between the arms, Elizabeth plainly faw, that this pretenfion had not been advanced during the reign of her fifter Mary, and that, therefore, the king of France intended, on the first opportunity, to difpute her legitimacy, and her title to the crown. Alarmed with the danger, the thenceforth conceived a violent jealousy against the queen of Scots; and was determined, as far as poffible, to incapacitate Henry from the execution of his project. The fudden death of that monarch, who was killed in a tournament at Paris, while celebrating the efpoufals of his fifter with the duke of Savoy, altered not her views. Being informed that his fucceffor, Francis II. ftill continued to affume, without referve, the title of king of England, she began to confider him and his queen as her mortal enemies and the prefent fituation of affairs in Scotland afforded her a favourable opportunity, both of revenging the injury, and providing for her own fafety. THE |