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tagonist, which happened about the fame time, feemed to CHA P.
enfure him conftant poffeffion of the queen's confidence ; XLIV.
and nothing indeed but his own indifcretion could thence-
forth have fhaken his well-established credit. Lord Bur- 1598.
leigh died in an advanced age; and by a rare fortune, was
4th Aug.
equally regretted by his fovereign and the people. He had
rilen gradually, from fmall beginnings, by the mere force
of merit; and though his authority was never entirely ab-
folute, or uncontrouled with the queen, he was still, during
the course of near forty years, regarded as her principal
minifter. None of her other inclinations or affections could
ever overcome her confidence in fo ufeful a counfellor
and as he had had the generofity or good fenfe to pay affi-
duous court to her, during her sister's reign, when it was
dangerous to appear her friend, fhé thought herfelt bound
in gratitude, when the mounted the throne, to perfevere in
her attachments to him. He feems not to have poffeffed
any shining talents of addrefs, eloquence, or imagination;
and was chiefly distinguished by folidity of understanding,
probity of manners, and indefatigable application in bufi-
nefs virtues, which, if they do not always enable a man
to rife to high ftations, do certainly qualify him beft for
filling them. Of all the queen's minifters he alone left a
confiderable fortune to his pofterity; a fortune not ac-
quired by rapine or oppreffion, but gained by the regular
profits of his offices, and preferved by frugality.

THE laft act of this able minifter was the concluding a 8th Aug.
new treaty with the Dutch; who, after being, in some
measure, deferted by the king of France, were glad to
preferve the queen's alliance, by fubmitting to any terms.
which the pleased to require of them. The debt, which
they owed her, was now fixed at eight hundred thousand
pounds: Of this fum they agreed to pay, during the war,
thirty thousand pounds a year; and thefe payments were
to continue till four hundred thousand pounds of the debt
fhould be extinguished. They engaged alfo, during the
time that England fhould continue the war with Spain, to
pay the garrison of the cautionary towns. They ft pu-
lated, that, if Spain fhould invade England, or the ifle of
Wight, or Jerfey, or Scilly, they should aflift her with a
body of five thousand foot, and five hundred horse; and
that in cafe fhe undertook any naval armament against Spain,
they fhould join an equal number of fhips to hers. By


E Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 340.

CHAP. this treaty the queen was eafed of an annual charge of an XLIV. hundred and twenty thousand pounds.


Soon after the death of Burleigh, the queen, who regretted extremely the lofs of fo wife and faithful a minifter, was informed of the death of her capital enemy, Philip the fecond, who, after languishing under many infirmities, expired in an advanced age at Madrid. This haughty prince, defirous of an accommodation with his revolted fubjects in the Netherlands, but. difdaining to make in his own name the conceffions requifite for that purpose, had transferred to his daughter, married to archduke Albert, the property of the Low Country provinces ; but as it was not expected, that this princefs could have pofterity, and as the reverfion, on failure of her iffue, was ftill referved to the crown of Spain, the States confidered this deed only as the change of a name, and they perfifted with equal obftinacy in their refiftance to the Spanish arms. The other powers alfo of Europe, made no diftinction between the courts of Bruffels and Madrid; and the fecret oppofition of France, as well as the avowed efforts of England, continued to operate against the progrefs of Albert, as it had done against that of Philip.



to Ireland

State of Ireland-Tyrone's rebellion-Effex fent over
His ill fuccefs
His ill fuccefs Returns to England
Is difgraced-His intrigues-His infurrection
His trial and execution- -French affairs-
Mountjoy's fuccefs in Ireland-Defeat of the Spani-
ards and Irifb-A parliament- Tyrone's fubmiffion
Queen's fickness And death And character.



HOUGH the dominion of the English over Ireland CHA P. had been established above four centuries, it may XLV. fafely be affirmed, that their authority had hitherto been little more than nominal. The Irish princes and nobles, 1599. divided among themselves, readily paid the exterior marks State of of obeisance to a power which they were not able to refift; but, as no durable force was ever kept on foot to retain them in their duty, they relapfed ftill into their former ftate of independence. Too weak to introduce order and obedience among the rude inhabitants, the English authority was yet fufficient to check the growth of any enterprizing genius among the natives: And though it could bestow no true form of civil government, it was able to prevent the rife of any fuch form, from the internal combination or policy of the Irish a.

MOST of the English inftitutions likewife, by which that ifland was governed, were to the last degree abfurd, and fuch as no state before had ever thought of, for the preferving dominion over its conquered provinces.

THE English nation, all on fire for the project of subduing France, a project, whofe fuccefs was the most improbable, and would to them have proved the most pernicious; neglected all other enterprizes, to which their fituation fo ftrongly invited them, and which, in time, would have brought them an acceffion of riches, grandeur and fecurity. The fmall army, which they maintained in Ireland, they never fupplied regularly with pay; and as no money could be levied from the island, which. poffeffed none, they gave their foldiers the privilege of free quarter upon the natives. Rapine and infolence.


A Sir J. Davis, p. 5, 6, 7, &c.

CHAP. inflamed the hatred, which prevailed between the conXLV. querors and the conquered: Want of fecurity among the Irith, introducing defpair, nourished ftill farther the floth, natural to that uncultivated people.


BUT the English carried farther their ill-judged tyranny. Inftead of inviting the Irish to adopt the more civilized cuftoms of their conquerors, they even refufed, though earneftly folicited, to communicate to them the privilege of their laws, and every where marked them out as aliens and as enemies. Thrown out of the protection of justice, the natives could find no fecurity but in force; and flying the neighbourhood of cities, which they could not approach with fafety, they fheltered themselves in their marfhes and forefts from the infolence of their inhuman malers. Being treated like wild beafts, they became fuch; and joining the ardor of revenge to their yet untamed barbarity, they grew every day more intractable and more dangerous B.

As the English princes deemed the conqueft of the difperfed Irith to be more the object of time and patience than the fource of military glory, they willingly delegated that office to private adventurers, who, inlifting foldiers at their own charge, reduced provinces of that ifland, which they converted to their own profit. Separate jurifdictions and principalities were established by thefe lordly conquerors: The power of peace and war was affumed: Military law was exercised over the Irifh, whom they fubdued, and, by degrees, over the English, by whofe affiftance they conquered: And, after their authority had once taken root, deeming the English institutions lefs favourable to barbarous dominion, they degenerated into mere Irish, and abandoned the garb, language, manners, and laws of their native country C.

By all this imprudent conduct of England, the natives of its dependant ftate remained still in that abject condition, into which the northern and western parts of Europe were funk, before they received civility and flavery from the refined policy and irresistible bravery of Rome. Even at the end of the fixteenth century, when every chriftian nation was cultivating with ardour every civil art of life, that ifland, lying in a temperate climate, enjoying a fertile


B Sir J. Davis, p. 102, 103, &c. CIbid. p. 133, 134, &c.

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foil, acceffible in its fituation, poffeffed of innumerable C H A P.
harbours, was ftill, notwithstanding these advantages, XLV.
inhabited by a people, whose customs and manners ap-
proached nearer thofe of favages than of barbarians *.


As the rudeness and ignorance of the Irish was extreme, they were funk below the reach of that curiosity and love of novelty, by which every other people in Europe had been seized at the beginning of that century, and which had engaged them in innovations and religious difputes, with which they were still fo violently agitated. The antient fuperftition, the practices and obfervances of their fathers, mingled and polluted with many wild opinions, ftill maintained an unshaken empire over them; and the example alone of the English was fufficient to render the reformation odious to the prejudiced and difcontented Irish. The old oppofition of manners, laws, and interests was now inflamed by a religious antipathy; and the fubduing and civilizing of that country feemed to become every day more difficult and more impracticable.

THE animofity against the English was carried fo far by the Irish, that, in an infurrection, raised by two fons of the earl of Clanricarde, they put to the fword all the inhabitants of the town of Athenry, though Irish; because they began to conform themselves to English cuftoms and inftitutions, and had embraced a more cultivated and civilized form of life, than had been practised by their barbarous ancestors D.

THE usual revenue of Ireland amounted only to fix
thousand pounds a year E: The queen, though with much
repining, commonly added twenty thousand more,
which the remitted from England: And with this small
revenue, a body of one thousand men was supported,
which, on extraordinary emergencies, was augmented to
two thousand c. No wonder that a force, fo dispropor-
tioned to the object, instead of fubduing a mutinous.
kingdom, ferved rather to provoke the natives, and to
excite those frequent infurrections and rebellions, which
ftill farther inflamed the animofity between the two nati-


* See Spencer's account of Ireland, throughout.
den, p. 457.
E Memoirs of the Sidneys, vol.
Cox, p. 342. Sydney, vol. i. p. 85, 200.
p. 542. Sydney, vol. i. p. 65, 109, 183, 184.


D Cam

i. p. 86.

G Camden,


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