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which they assigned in justification of their conduct were, "that the church was impure, discipline lax, the unregenerate were admitted and retained." In this period I hired supplies for the pulpit, and desisted from preaching, except when supplies failed. But as soon as I had recovered a competency of strength for application to my studies, I endeavoured to correct people's sentiments on the before-mentioned subjects. I preached two sermons On the Marks of False Teachers, or Wolves in Sheep's Clothing," which about five years after were published, at the desire of a number of my people, and some of my brethren in the ministry, to whom I had communicated them. They have had about ten editions; one in Edinburgh, by the influence of Dr. Erskine.

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By reason of my infirmity, the Lord's Supper had, for an unusual length of time, been discontinued. But as soon as I thought myself able to administer it, I appointed it, and was so happy as to have the assistance of one of my ministerial brethren in the solemnity. There was a general and serious attendance upon it, and a blessing seemed to follow it. Animosities and evil speakings subsided, and brotherly affection revived. On this occasion I could not but reflect on the error of some churches, which, when difficulties arise, discontinue this festival of love; as if the existence of sickness were a good reason for the disuse of remedies.

Though the church judged the reasons of withdrawment assigned by their dissenting brethren insufficient, yet, candidly hoping that their conduct proceeded from mistake rather than perverseness, and that time and reflection would correct their error, she resolved not to censure them, but to leave the door open for their return. Most or all of them returned; some very soon; and harmony was restored. I regained my health in a comfortable degree, and my services were as acceptable as in former times. Painful experience seems to have operated to fortify the minds of my people against the influence of intruding and disorganizing teachers. (To be continued.)

REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

WILKS'S DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN ELECTORS.

The Duties of Christian Electors: A Sermon preached on Sunday, Sept. 2, 1832, at Bentinck Chapel, in the Parish and new Electoral Borough of St. Mary-le-bone. By the Rev. SAMUEL CHARLES WILKS, M.A. “Moreover, thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them” (Exod. xviii. 21).— London. 1832. Price 1s.

We need offer no apology, as Christian Observers, for again recurring to the eminently momentous subject of the Parliamentary Elections. Whatever may be the good or bad effects of the Reform Acts, they have at least been attended with this consequence, that they have greatly increased the influence and the responsibility of the great mass of the middle classes of society. Formerly the right of voting was not only confined to a comparatively small number of persons, but a large portion of those were under the controul of a much smaller number still; so that in a general election the majority of the most sound, valuable, and religious portion of the community stood aloof from the conflict; and saw bribery, venality, and profligacy raging amongst them without any power to prevent it. In our CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 370. 4 Q

towns in particular, the elective franchise was either in the hands of a few privileged persons, who often used it for their own private advantage; or it was the right of the potwallopers, who made it a scene of the most lamentable riot, drunkenness, and corruption. The mechanic who had gained his freedom by handling a hammer, and the small shopkeeper who had served seven years behind his master's counter, were in many instances to choose representatives for the nation; while the merchants, gentlemen, professional persons, and higher classes of traders, looked on with impatience and disgust, having no voice, no influence in the matter, and well knowing that the longest purse would probably win the day.

Whether the new system be a better or a worse system is not our present question; but it calls out new classes of voters to take a part in the affairs of the country: and among the persons thus enfranchised are some of the best, and some of the worst, members of the commonweal, The scum, with much heat and ebullition, soon finds its way to the surface; and this noxious process has been going on very vigorously for some months but the better elements require more time to put them into a state of salutary fermentation; and this operation is only just commencing. But commencing it is, and we anticipate much public benefit from its progress. In several instances within our knowledge, strong exertions are being made to discover and return suitable men-men of known piety, talent, and character-to the exclusion of others destitute of such claims; and whatever may be the issue, the effort will not have been in vain.

As valuable a class of persons as we can imagine to make use of the electoral suffrage wisely, patriotically, and religiously, for the public welfare, is the great body of those persons who take an active share in our moral, religious, and charitable institutions. But if we look at the lists of the members of those institutions, we shall find that under the old system only a small portion of them possessed the right of voting; so that it was impossible, if they had all united together, to effect any thing considerable for the public advantage through the medium of the national representation. A right-minded patron might put in a right-minded nominee in a close borough, or powerful influence might occasionally secure a more public sphere for a candidate of sound principles; but this was merely casual, and the reverse was quite as likely to be the case.

But what have we gained by the change, it may be asked, when in every place the contest is opened to the evil disposed as well as to the good, the former usually forming the vast majority? Whether we have gained or not, we pause not now to inquire; our present business is with actual facts, and their moral bearings. Let the reformer and the anti-reformer each answer the question in his own way; but in either case the point we urge is clear, that the good part of the new constituency ought not to be outdone in zeal or effort by the bad; and that whether it was wise or unwise to extend the suffrage, now that it is extended it is a duty to make the best use of it.

This duty, we feared, might for a time be lightly regarded by what is called "the religious world;" and it has been our frequent effort, perhaps almost to satiety, ever since the Reform Bills came into agitation, to urge our readers to view this matter in what appeared to us a right and scriptural light. We perceive already powerful indications that the question is beginning to be felt in its importance. In several places, religious and well-disposed persons have already begun to confer together upon the exigencies of their respective neighbourhoods; and in some, resolutions have been agreed to, and papers circulated, much to the effect of the remarks in our Number for August, in the View of Public Affairs, and the

Address stitched up with that Number. The sermon now before us points to the same object, more particularly in reference to the duty of religious persons exerting themselves, at this crisis of our national history, to make a right and Christian use of the elective franchise. We are not about to review this sermon; but we shall transcribe, without comment, a few passages, which may save us the trouble of going over a portion of the ground that we had promised to traverse in some future Number of our work. The writer was requested by many lay and clerical friends to draw up something on the subject for circulation among intelligent, welldisposed, and religious persons, in their respective neighbourhoods; and a discourse from the pulpit was considered the fittest form for giving due solemnity to the question, and divesting it of party, political, and local associations. If all religious and right-minded persons would duly weigh the question, and act upon their convictions, incalculable good might, by the blessing of God, ensue.

The following are extracts:

"When we meet here on the day of holy rest, to commune with each other, and with our God, upon subjects of infinitely higher importance than those which distract the spirits of the worldly-minded, it is not without an imperious sense of obligation that the minister of Christ would invite the attention of his hearers to any thing which might tend to chill the highest affections of the soul; any thing that breathes of earth, and aspires not to the atmosphere and the blessedness of heaven. God, and Christ, and eternity; the infinite value of the human soul, and the infinite Price paid for it; the love of the Father in giving his Son as the sacrifice for our transgressions; the love of the Son in working out our redemption; the application of that all-perfect atonement, through faith in the Redeemer, to the heart of the penitent, by the Holy Spirit, for pardon and justification before God; with an accompanying renewal of soul, peace, access to God, love, joy, holiness, the glories of the unseen world of happiness, and its awful counterpart of terror-these, these are the themes of the Christian pulpit. Yet, closely connected with these, and flowing out of them, are all the duties of life; all the charities, and all the obligations of our mortal condition, public and private, civil and religious. Now if any one of these is in danger of being neglected, or for particular reasons requires special attention, it would be a breach of ministerial faithfulness to envelop the whole in barren generalities, and not to bring forward with due prominence the peculiar duty, temptation, or trial of the moment.

"Thus, then, Christian brethren, I find myself placed before you this day. Great events have recently taken place in this country: with their good or evil I meddle not, especially in this sacred place: but if they involve new and very serious duties; and if, as I believe to be the case, some now present before God have not hitherto considered their responsibility in regard to those duties, and wish to be advised concerning them; I see no alternative but, as a faithful minister of Christ, to endeavour to stir you up to a sense of their moral and religious importance. I address many on whom is conferred now, for the first time, the charge, in the sight of God and man, of adding their voice to that of their fellow-countrymen in choosing out those who shall henceforth frame our laws, and under Divine Providence be a blessing, or else be a curse, to the land. This privilege involves no light obligation; and it ought not to be entered upon without an intelligent and Christian sense of its importance.

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"Now I am aware, my brethren, that there is in many religious minds a strong disposition to escape from duties of this nature; an aversion even to think of them, or to regard them as duties. 'Let me retire,' says many a Christian, to my closet, and pray to Him who seeth in secret for a guilty land; but why should I take any part in worldly concerns? let the potsherds of the earth strive with the potsherds of the earth, but I have a great work, and cannot come down.' But I would ask, whether such a resolution is not often grounded on feelings too personal and selfish; as if our neighbour and our country were nothing, so long as we can ourselves individually repose in some little Goshen, even though a thousand plagues should hurl desolation all around us. There is, in many Christian breasts, a forgetfulness that patriotism-not mere passive quietude, but self-denying, religious patriotismis a Scriptural virtue. There is also a forgetfulness that God regards nations as nations; that He did not intend us to be as so many atoms of sand, but to be bound together, to form a social edifice: so that if one member suffer, all should suffer; and if one rejoice, all should rejoice. If we turn to the Bible we find this idea running throughout every page: whereas in modern days a notion has gone abroad as if Christians might neglect all public duties, contenting themselves with working out their own salvation with fear and trembling, but heeding little or nothing what God is

doing in the earth, or whether nations and empires rise and fall, flourish or decay, so that their private peace be not visibly disturbed. And perhaps the ministers of Christ are not blameless in this matter; being content to reiterate a few particular topics, without sufficiently rising to the exigencies of the day, and setting before their flock the whole counsel of God, so as to furnish them with the bearings of Scripture on the daily conduct of life.

"Yet let me not be misunderstood. It is not for every private Christian to involve himself in public concerns, which he perhaps little understands, and which do not call for his interference: far, very far from it: but this he is to do; He is to come forward where his station and circumstances expressly require it; not shrinking from any known duty merely because it is arduous or invidious, but endeavouring to know and to practise whatever he believes to be for the glory of God and the real interests— especially the highest, the religious, interests-of his country."

"There is much said in Scripture of civil duties, and I see not why we are to pass them by as if they formed no part of the word of God. All Scripture is given by His inspiration: not less those parts which teach us to honour the king, than those which teach us to fear God; not less those which tell us of our obligations in social life, as masters or servants, rulers or subjects, private persons or magistrates, than those which relate more directly to the doctrines of grace and salvation. We are not to cull out a few select points, and to call those the Bible; but are to take the word of God in all its amplitude, that the man of God may be thoroughly furnished to all good works.' Every faithful minister of the Gospel determines, like St. Paul, to know nothing among men but Jesus Christ, and him crucified: yet St. Paul often pointed out the relationships of civil and social life; and though these are not to be the usual, or chief, theme of the Christian pulpit, yet, if all be grounded on love to God and faith in the Redeemer, we may be said truly to preach Christ when we preach what Christ commands, what tends to his glory, what adorns his doctrine, what promotes his cause, and what conduces to the best interests of a world for which he died."

"You say, perhaps, you can do little; and that may be true; but you are as much bound to exert that little as if it were much, remembering, for your encouragement, what our Lord said of one who could do but little: She hath done what she could.' Yet even that little may be more than you expect; it may influence others; and if every Christian would only exert his best efforts, the aggregate would be large, though the parts were small. God has raised up throughout this nation many of his faithful servants, who sigh and cry for the abominations of the land; and if each would conscientiously use his exertions for the welfare of his country, in diligence and humility, and with faith and prayer, far greater than we think or hope might be the benefit. In many places a spirit might be stirred up which might lead to the choice of men to represent the people who themselves fear God, and take his word for their guide; in others, a spirit of serious inquiry might be stirred up, and much local good might arise, even though this great end should not be attained: and if, in the assembled senate of the land, a few only should be rightly impressed with religious considerations; and others be influenced, by zealous, well-timed exertions in their respective neighbourhoods, to co-operate for the great purposes of Christian legislation; who can say how abundantly the blessing of God might accompany their labours! Would each individual in his own station endeavour, as in the sight of the Searcher of all hearts, to support the cause of truth and righteousness, the total amount of good might be beyond all expectation. But, even if otherwise, duty is ours, events are God's. If we look back at the abolition of the slave trade, the opening of India to religious instruction, the melioration of the severity of our criminal laws, the improved discipline of our prisons, the increased facilities for building new churches, and the progress made towards the extinction of Negro slavery-not to mention various other questions-we shall see how much the efforts of a few individuals may in the end, by the blessing of the Most High, be prospered to the accomplishment of objects of vast moral and religious importance. Only let us not be traitors to the cause of God, or shrink from bearing the cross of Christ; shewing to all men, that in public transactions, as much as in private, we view the principles of the Gospel of our Redeemer to be the only legitimate code of faith and practice. Most powerful would be the moral lesson, if it were only publicly understood that there are hundreds of thousands of conscientious electors, far removed from all political factions, who will never give their vote for any man of known immoral life; or who is ascertained to hold infidel or sceptical sentiments in religion; or who has arrayed himself on the side of impiety or blasphemy; or who has proved that he regards crooked expediency (falsely called expediency), above what is just, humane, right-principled, or Christian. Religion is not weak in this land; the knees which have not bowed to Baal are not few; and if only the whole body of those who take the Bible for their guide, and who believe Christianity to be the best policy, would rise above all party and political bias, and unite in the cause of truth and righteousness, as becomes faithful servants of Jesus Christ, their united weight of legitimate influence would be incalculable.”

"It would not become this sacred day, this hallowed place, or the office which I bear, to enter into details which might border upon political questions; but it is strictly consistent with all the three to impress upon your minds those general principles which should guide your conduct in the discharge of your duty as Christian electors. The advice of Jethro to Moses, selected for our text, will appropriately serve as a basis for a few remarks upon the subject: Thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them.' In this specification there is nothing said of particular opinions; the whole stress is laid upon mental, moral, and religious competency: for if a man be really anable man,' who also fears God, loves truth, and hates covetousness, he is eminently qualified for the office of a legislator; since even where he is at present uninstructed, or it may be wrong, there is every hope of his conscientiously finding his way to what is right.

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But how different will be the effect if any one of these qualifications be wanting! If he be not anable man,' at least a man of fair understanding and information, however eager he may be on some particular points, he is not competent to decide upon the great questions which relate to the welfare of states and empires; and God does not intend any man for an office for which he does not adequately endow him. But, be this as it may, he should be a man who fears God, loves truth, and hates covetousness' for moderate talents with right principles may effect much that is good, but the most splendid talents without principle are a curse to their possessor and to the world. If a statesman do not love truth,' he will think only of acting with a party, right or wrong; if he do not hate covetousness,' he will be open to selfish views, which will corrupt his integrity, and lead him to betray his country for private emolument and the secular interests of his friends or family. But, above all, if he do not fear God,' he will be destitute of the only sure guide of life, the only trust-worthy regulator of human conduct. The basis of a religious character presents a foundation for all that is conscientious, honourable, self-denying, and virtuous. Between two men, differing in ability or on various questions of political arrangement, a Christian elector may feel some hesitation in deciding which is the best qualified to benefit his country; but between an able man who fears God,' and another who fears him not, even though still more able' in mental power, there can be no room for doubt: for a religious man ought to have a religious man for his representative; otherwise there is no intercommunion of sentiment and feeling. If a Christian elector believes, as he must, that a large part of the business of legislation bears forcibly upon points involving moral and religious considerations; that God governs nations; that the Bible is the record of his will, and contains rules by which public communities as well as private men are to be regulated; how can he honestly entrust his cause to the guidance of one who accounts these things of no moment, or refuses practically to recognise and act upon them? There has been of late years a mournful effort to set aside God in his own creation; to forget His providence; and in effect to regulate the affairs of nations precisely as if Christianity were a fable. The Christian elector would wish that his influence, be it little or much, should be exerted in a counter direction."

6

"I have spoken only of principles: their application is a matter of detail for other times, places, and occasions. Yet, it may not be improper just to allude to a few particulars, with a view practically to shew the general bearings of the subject." pp. 6-18.

Then follows a specification of various questions, respecting which the author thinks that Christian electors should be extremely anxious in regard to the sentiments of candidates. We cannot go into the details; but we copy one as a specimen, together with a portion of the concluding practical address.

"Permit me to offer yet another illustration. It has pleased God in his gracious providence to establish in this our land a National Church, reformed from the corruptions of Popery, and, though needing to be cleansed from various abuses, yet I conscientiously believe, in the main-and I am at least a disinterested witness-a church truly grounded on the foundation of Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner-stone. I enter into no argument at present with those who think differently; but, speaking in this place, and to Christians attached to the Established Communion of this our southern land-and the application is not less apt in the North, and other parts of the British dominions-I may surely say, that, with our feelings of the importance of preserving the ark of God nationally among us, we could not lawfully aid those who are meditating ecclesiastical spoliation and destruction; either those who would do so from scruples of conscience, or those who mislike the reality as well as the name of national religion. In this great crisis of Protestantism in the sister island, and of National Worship both here and there, can we dare to give our suffrage to any man who will not support the public ordinances of reli

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