tereft, and no longer. This being the cafe, what need of saying of the one, that he promifed to to govern; of the other, that they promifed fo to obey, when the fact is otherwife?

True it is, that, in this country, according to ancient forms, fome fort of vague promife of good government is made by kings at the ceremony of their coronation: and let the acclamations, perhaps given, perhaps not given, by chance perfons out of the furrounding multitude, be conftrued into a promise of obedience on the part of the whole multitude: that whole multitude itself, a fmal drop collected together by chance out of the ocean of the ftate: and let the two promises thus made be deemed to have formed a perfect compact:-not that either of them is declared to be the confideration of the other.

Make the most of this conceffion, one experiment there is, by which every reflecting man may fatisfy himself, I think, beyond a doubt, that it is the confideration of utility, and no other, that, fecretly but unavoidably, has governed his judgment upon all these matters. The experiment is eafy and decifive. It is but to reverse, in fuppofition, in the first place the import of the particular promife thus feigned; in the next place, the effect in point of utility of the obfervance of promifes in general. Suppose the king to promife that he would govern his fubjects not according to law; not in the view to promote their happiness would this be binding upon him? Suppose the people to promife they would obey him at all events, let hima govern as he will; let him govern to their deftruction. Would this be binding upon them? Suppofe the conftant and univerfal effect of an obiervance of promifes were to produce mifchief, would it then be mens duty to obferve them? Would it then be right to make laws, and apply punishment to oblige men to obferve them?

No; (it may perhaps be replied) but for this reafon; among promises, fome there are that, as every one a'lows, are void: now these you have been fuppofing, are unquestionably of the number. A promife" that is in itfelf void, cannot, it is true, create any obligation: but allow the promise to be valid, and it is the promise itfelf that creates the obligation, and nothing elfe." The fallacy of this argument it is eafy to perceive. For what is it then that the promife depends on for its validity? What is it that being prefent makes it valid? What is it that being wanting makes it void? To acknowledge that any one promife may be void, is to acknowledge that if any other is binding, it is not merely because it is a promise. That circumftance then, whatever it be, on which the validity of a promife depends, that circumftance, I fay, and not the promise itself muft, it is plain, be the caufe of the obligation which a promife is apt in general to carry with it.

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• But farther, allow, for argument's fake, what we have difproved: allow that the obligation of a promife is independent of every other allow that a promife is binding propriâ vi➡ Binding then on whom? On him certainly who makes it. Admit this for what reason is the fame individual promise to be binding on those who never made it? The king, fifty years ago, promised my great grandfather to govern him according to law my great grandfather, fifty years ago, promised the king to obey him according to law. The king, juft now, promifed my neighbour to govern him according to law: my neighbour, just now, promifed the king to obey him according to law. Be it fo-What are thefe promises, all or any of them, to me? To make answer to this queftion, fome other principle, it is manifeft, must be reforted to, than that of the intrinfic obligation of promiles upon those who make them. Now this other principle that ftill recurs upon us, what other can it be than the principle of utility? The principle which furnishes us with that reafon, which alone depends not upon any higher reason, but which is itself the fole and all-fufficient reafon for every point of practice whatsoever."

In this paffage, and feveral that follow, particularly in what the Author advances concerning the British conftitution, he controverts, with a mixture of argument and raillery, many popular opinions with what fuccefs we shall not at prefent undertake to determine. Probably fome future occafion may offer, of expreffing our fentiments more fully on the merits of this Writer.

ART. II. State of the Trade of Great Britain in its Imports and Exports, progreffively from the Year 1697: Alfo of the Trade to each particular Country, during the above Period, diftinguishing each Year, In Two Parts. With a Preface and Introduction, fetting forth the Articles whereof each Trade confifts. By Sir Charles Whitworth, Member of Parliament. Folio. 15 s. Boards. Robinson, &c. 1776.

TH

HE name of the Gentleman prefixed to this work, is fufficiently known to claim an high degree of regard to a fubject concerning which he enjoys the best opportunities of information, from the active part he takes in the public bufinefs of the Houfe of Commons. We are furnished in the preface with the following concife hiftorical account of the trade of this country:

·

From the time of William the Conqueror, to the reign of Eliza beth, the Trade of England feems to have been confined to the exportation of tin, lead, wool, leather, iron, and fome few other productions, fufficient to purchafe what foreign commodities were neceffary to a people not yet addicted to luxury. Here and there, in

deed,

deed, during this period, we meet with a faint attempt to establish or encourage manufactures *.

In the reign of Elizabeth, better and more fuccessful attempts appear to have been made towards extending our trade and navigation. In her reign, the Turkey Company was established; and a treaty of commerce concluded with the Czar of Muscovy. The atchievements of Drake, and the difcoveries of Raleigh, contributed to give England a kind of rank in the commercial world. Still however neither Elizabeth, nor James, feem to have had any enlarged ideas of commerce: fo little did they know of it, that they could not even direct the operation of our internal commerce; which yet, from our infular fituation, requires but little skill; perhaps there needs no more than to leave things to their own natural course. Here then thefe princes had only to take off clogs, to remove impediments. Inftead of which they encreafed them by monopolies, and patents without number +.

The establishment of our American Colonies, in the reigns of James and Charles, laid the foundation of extenfive commerce in times to come. Truth, however, obliges us to own, That their establishments reflect but little honour on either of the monarchs. James expected that the adventurers would enrich themfelves by the discovery of mines of gold and filver; and he hoped that the thare referved to himself would ferve to render him independent of Parliament. His original charters breathe therefore, throughout, the narrow spirit of an exclufive monopolifer.

Charles confidered America as affording an asylum to those whom he could not protect; or a convenient receptacle for those whom he wished to remove.

Ere this, and before England was known as a commercial state, Spain and Portugal had immenfe acquifitions in the Indies. Their conquefts ruined them; inebriated by a fudden influx of gold, they abandoned agriculture, arts, and manufactures. . It was referved to the Dutch to teach those inconfiderate conquerors, that they had made a very bad bargain, in bartering industry for wealth. The Dutch rofe on their ruins, and became the carriers and factors of the world. The extenfion of commerce, and the establishment of a formidable navy, went hand in hand. Their fuccefs could not but awaken the jealoufy of their neighbours. The English were the first to take the alarm: the Long Parliament, and Cromwell, roufed again

* In the year 1338, in the reign of Edward III. the exportation of unwrought wool was prohibited, and the importation of foreign cloths for the winter.'

The grants of thefe monopolies and patents produced no inconfiderable revenue to the crown, and were frequently complained of as grievances, in the times of Elizabeth and James. Though it does not belong to the prefent fubject, yet we may be allowed, en paffant, to remark that these were fome among the many means employed in thofe days by the crown, to augment its revenue; and fhould always be valued and added to the amount of parliamentary grants, by thofe who mean to compare the revenues drawn from the people in those times, with the revenues drawn from them in these.'

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the

the fpirit of commercial emulation. By the Act of Navigation, they laid the foundation of the greatest advantages we have fince derived from our colonial commerce. The war with Holland, the attempt on Hifpaniola, and the taking of Jamaica, all ferved to encreafe, at once, our commerce and our naval force.

In the beginning of his reign, Charles II. feemed difpofed to promote these important objects; but they were foon facrificed to his intrigues with the court of France: as every thing was facrificed by his fucceffor, to bigotry, and a love of arbitrary power. It was not therefore until the Revolution, that a regular fyftem of commerce was established. Nor, indeed, was that fyftem thoroughly underfood till the reign of George I. *

At the epocha of the Revolution, therefore, the following tables commence. The tables in the first part contain annual ftatements of the value of the imports and exports, to and from the different countries with which we trade, together with the excefs refulting from the comparison of the refpective imports and exports. Thefe tables are ranged in the chronological order. A general table of all our imports and exports clofes this part.

The tables, in the fecond part, contain the fame statements of the imports and exports to and from each particular country. In thefe tables, the countries are ranged in the alphabetical order, and the imports and exports, with the respective exceffes of each year, are diftinguished.

Thefe tables are compiled from the annual accounts given in by the proper officers to the House of Commons. They are therefore as authentic, and as accurate, as any that can be procured on the fubject. It must not, however, be disguised, that even these accounts are not altogether to be depended on. Where duties are to be paid, or bounties received; there they are certainly accurate; but where no duty is to be paid, no bounty received; the entries made at the cuftom-house may perhaps, fometimes, exceed the real Value of imports and exports.-Vanity, a defire of appearing men of extensive dea ings, and large property,-poffibly even motives lefs juftifiable, may have fometimes tempted to this, which would be called a harmlefs deceit.

But, whatever degree of inaccuracy may be fapposed to have arifen from thefe caufes, it will not, materially, affect the purposes for which the following tables are conftructed. Those purposes we have faid are to fhow the progreffive diminution or augmentation in our imports and exports to different countries. Now the fame temptations to exceffive entries have fubfifted ever fince the year 1722 t. Then it was that almost all duties upon the importation of

* Some of the most judicious commercial acts that ever were past, were thofe of W. and M. cap. 12, and cap. 24. and 8 Geo. I. cap. 15. By the two firft, bounties were granted on the exportation of corn, when it did not exceed a limited price: by the last, near two hundred taxes, on raw materials imported, or on British manu, factures exported, were at once repealed.'

t Ever fince the act above referred to, viz. 8 Geo. I. cap. 15.'

raw

raw materials, or the exportation of manufactured goods, were taken off: fo that, except here and there, in fome particular inftance, and from fome momentary caufe, there is no reafon to fuppofe that more unfair entries have been made at any one, rather than at any other time during this whole period, which contains more than half a century.

• These tables contain, not the articles, or fubject matter of our imports and exports; but barely their value in fpecie; and it is from hence that in general the balance of trade is estimated.

It muft, however, be confeffed, that whoever fhould think that the balance of money alone gives the real balance of trade, would be egregiously mistaken. The balance of trade is twofold: the balance of money, and the balance of induftry. It may happen that the ba lance of money may be much in our favour, and yet the balance of trade, upon the whole, be against us. This would be the cafe with our trade to a country from whence our imports fhould consist of wrought materials, or of articles, which not being of prime neceffity, admit of no further improvement by induftry; and to which our exports should confift either of raw materials, or of the produce of foreign countries. Spain was ruined by her trade with her fettlements in India; for the balance of industry was totally against her.

It may happen, on the other hand, that the balance of money may be against us, and yet the balance of trade, upon the whole, in our favour. This would be the cafe with our trade to a country, to which we should export only the things produced, or the things manufactured in our own country, and from which we fhould import either raw materials, or things of prime and indifpenfable neceffity: for here the balance of industry would be in our favour. And fuch I apprehend to be the ftate of our commerce with Ruffia.

"It is well known (fays the Prefident Montefquieu) That, in Holland, certain kinds of merchandise, fetched from far, are fold as cheap there as on the spot from whence they are procured. The reafon affigned for it is this: the mafter of a ship must take in ballaft he takes marble as ballast. He wants wood for ftowage; he purchases it and if he lofes nothing, he confiders it as fo much gain. Not only (adds this Writer) a trade which gives no gains, but even a lofing commerce, may be fometimes advantageous. I have been told (fays he) in Holland, that the whale fishery scarcely ever pays its own expences. But then what is loft by the fishery is more than compenfated by the gains acquired by the conftruction, rigging, and victualing of the fhips."

In eftimating, therefore, the balance of trade, all these circumftances should be taken into confideration, as well as the difference in the value of imports and exports.

To facilitate to the Reader the combination of these two distinct balances; namely, the balance of industry, and the balance of money; to the tables (containing the value of our imports and exports) is prefixed an introduction, giving a general account of the articles of which our imports and exports confiit, and which form the fubject matter of our trade with the different countries of the world.'

The introduction gives a fhort geographical account of each country, with the natural productions, manufactures, and re

spective