christen your Paper "The Liars' Repository," I should not violate truth. Swords sharpened for the premeditated purpose of carving up the people by thousands! Magisterial manufacturers avenging old and harboured quarrels with their servants, by military execution! Babes sabred in their mothers' arms, &c. &c. &c. plunge your disciples "'mid horror's pith," and raise an insurrection in the blood from which you seem to contemplate some sinister advanlage by fomenting it in the very face of the evidence, which proves it born of baseless. fabrications.

The Polyglot of universal lying, I would advise you to dedicate your Paper to the father of falsehood. It would be a rare catechismal primer for the young Apollyons who may be in training for proselyting this nether world. Whether the troop which is to relieve those at present on duty amongst us, will arrive here before you run "the liar's gauntlet" below, I know not; but be assured, as you are a special delinquent, a special muster wil! be arranged for your reception. Recollect too, that below you cannot pad your poor back with " a wet edition of any day's Paper," like a dunce who

accouters himself in copy-books in prospect of a strapping.

Proceeding at a headlong pace in audacity, no sooner has the Throne addressed the Legislature on its extraordinary summoning, than you strain your Liliputian squeak, to depict in fearful analysis "the alarming Speech." The Continental Jacobins are not only indebted to you for the detection of the hidden meanings of this alarming speech, which certainly none but yourself could have discovered, but they owe you gratitude for the compliment you pay them, by condescending to describe your own discoveries as the primo visu reflections of foreign sagacity.

Your next plunge in the slough of deceit, is when you advocate the suggestion that privilege should irrecoverably degrade itself by granting an extraordinary and illimitable audience to factious demagogues, who, not content with insulting the Seat of Judgment, sought an opportunity for bearding the Parliament. punish contempt of itself, is the self-protective right of every court of judicature; for a higher to interfere in the functions of a lower tribunal,

To

a declaration of its incompetency or corruption, and consequently an abridgment of its necessary authority and power.

You next announce the budget of Restrictive Bills by a concession in acknowledgment of their unexpected lenity. This is merely a ruse de guerre to bespatter friend Tierney with a portion of praise, and to affect confidence in the secrets of the Cabinet, by representing Lord Castlereagh and his colleagues on the curb-bit of the more temperate of their party. Unfortunately for both himself and you, Mr. Tierney's declaration of his utter ignorance of the provisions of the bills, and your attributing their leaven of mildness to him, are co-eval. To be consistent with yourself, however, you find out that the bills, individually, are hideous infringements of the Constitution, extinguishers upon liberty, and the like.

Of the fatal operation of the Seditious Meetings' Bill you put forth the following predictions:-"They," namely, Parliament and the Throne," must consider all addresses in future as the declarations of Lords Lieutenant, Sheriffs, and Magistrates." But what have you done

with the seven householders? Oh, you have only made away with them, that they might not appear in evidence against your most stirring, rallying cry of opposition, "Britons may never meet again as their ancestors have met." To rouse resistance by the rattling of chains, you assure us "that we may assemble under authority with permission-by the rule, and by the measure-by the tale or by the chain." The bare possibility of a meeting's non-concurrence in the sentiments of a convening Lord Lieutenant, Sheriff, or Magistrate, unaccompanied by a riot or a got-up illegality and consequent dispersion, seems never to have entered your head. The necessity imposed on a Magistrate of appointing a meeting at the request of any seven householders, was too palpable a refutation of your arguments to be recorded by their side. When the Burnley rebels, who met in arms, and whose chiefs are at present under arrest for high treason, dispersed without attempting what they knew themselves unequal to attain, you affect to draw the conclusion, that interferences with such " vapourish discontent" can alone cause disaster-you very conveniently forget, that rashness itself would scarcely engage without a chance of success, and that

quiet dispersion may be the signal for more still preparation.

Lastly, you mutilate poor Tacitus, and billet him among such a set of misrepresentations, that no one can recognize him in the company you have forced him to keep your sponge allowing of no possible abuse of liberty, very suitably wipes out "illud ex libertate vitium," before" quod non simul," &c. together with the silence commanded by the priests, "quibus et coercendi jus est." The exclusive prominence and precedence of age, nobility, fame, and eloquence, would not tally with the doctrine that would defend itinerant vagabonds in concentrating and haranguing the physical force of immense districts. No; Watson and the pedlar Wooler, according to the suppressed passages, are no fit candidates for notoriety, and have no right whatever to convene popular assemblies. To forge a precedent for the exercise of the sovereign, that is the people's will, you convert" turba" into " turba," thus substituting "when the people please," for " when the assembly is large enough." By some unaccountable oversight, the precedent "armati," which might have fairly been used, was not