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LETTER IX.

ΤΟ THE SAME.

August 15, 1820.

As you, sir, very much in point exemplified a few days ago, other high individuals have gone before that tribunal from which Englishmen can neither wish nor expect any appeal; not questioning its powers and maligning its integrity, but in full assurance of the most patient as well as the most fair trial that earthly justice can accord accused man. They hastened to express unqualified indignation at, and supply peremptory contradiction to, reports which misrepresented them as either dreading or planning t avoid the investigation of such tribunal. Those reports they treated as the inventions of pure malice to injure and blast their characters. Even politic guilt, sir, would imitate such conduct: conscious innocence and becoming magnanimity could pursue none other.

Wicked cunning must ultimately expose the vileness, as well as the weakness, of its cause.

How little did the haters of Royalty calculate the mischief they were doing their cause by the traitorous attempt to kindle discord between our Sovereign and his august Relations. The attempt placed more conspicuously before our eyes the mighty interests, that in the nature of things must, in this particular case, be pledges for a vigilance, that shall never suffer the highest subject in the realm to be divorced and dethroned without just and sufficient grounds; its failure proved to a demonstration, that that interested vigilance could find no lawful objection to the steps hitherto taken with reference to that possible dethronement and divorce. Thus the intrigues of traitors have taught us to appreciate the best testimonial of the constitutional justice which is dealt to her Majesty, in the uncomplaining silence and the co-operating assent of those who may be materially affected by the event of that just dealing. The attempt, therefore, to embroil the Royal Family, has elicited a practical acknowledgment of the utmost possible weight, that neither has the Constitution been infringed, nor law violated in the treatment of her Majesty's case.

The disaffected, to their consternation, have discovered their miserable blunder; yet they still prosecute, tho' with less comprehensive efforts, the scheme of striving to deprive the Queen of the means of establishing her innocence. To effect this, they bid the populace take that innocence for granted; and, acting on this assumption, excite them to signify to Parliament that it may dispense with trying her Majesty. This accounts for the paradoxical conduct of some, who, in public assembly lending all their influence to further the avowed object of that assembly, viz. the obstruction of the trial of her Majesty, give it out as a fact, confidentially communicated to them, that "it were impossible to find her guilty." This declaration is made for the purpose of conveying to the populace an idea that Parliament well knows the impossibility of fairly convicting the Queen, and, therefore, can only oppress or acquit her. Its palpable ultimate object is to rouse the mob to practical distrust of the choice Parliament might make between these two alternatives. Does her Majesty expect gratitude from her new allies, for the service she has done or may do them? If they rescue her from the peril of being tried by her Peers, it will only be for the

gratification of arraigning her before their own bar such a rescue, it must be remembered, cannot be effected but in the abolition of the Peerage; such a bar, it may be exemplified, can only consist of beggars, regicides, bankrupt pettyfoggers, and cut-throat quacks; of every species of public thieves-of the whole offal and offscourings of society. In the Pandæmonium of such a knot of incarnate demons, past service would be voted a death-worthy crime; an appeal to its mercy excite jibes and jests as brutal as they were vulgar and inhu

man.

I have spoken plainly, because I see that forbearance in such a crisis as this were absolutely criminal; traitors are abroad and busy in every direction, the Queen is lending them her name and influence, the Throne und the Altar are conspired against, and universal property is endangered; we must therefore not only shew a firm and fearless front, but combine against scattered surprise and sudden ambuscade, and in such combination we shall find both absolute security and unlimited confidence.

JULIUS.

LETTER X.

TO HIS MAJESTY KING GEORGE THE FOURTH.

SIRE,

August 15, 1820.

THE indignation and horror with which every loyal subject is overwhelmed by the outrageous attack made upon your private character and public justice in the Letter of your Consort, just given to the public, will, I doubt not, be sufficing apologies for an honest neglect of that etiquette which would, on any other occasion, suggest the impropriety of addressing you personally.

Believe me, Sire, in the eyes of discriminating common sense, her Majesty acquits you of that she accuses you withal, by her very mode of accusation. The style of virulent malignity she finds it necessary to adopt, belies, to a demonstration, the matter she conceives it politic to put forth; and the obstreperous vehemence with which she asserts her innocence, affords the strongest presumption of her guilt. The

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