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In 1843, the Legislature of that State, which had an overwhelming Democratic majority, resolved as follows:

"Resolved by the Sera e and House of Representatives in General Couri convened, That we are in favor of the passage of a law, by Congress, forever prohibiting Slavery in New Mexico and California, and in all other Territories now acquired, or hereafter to be acquired, by the United States, in which Slavery does not exist at the time of such acquisition."

And in 1849, the New Hampshire Legislature, still strongly Democratic, unanimously adopted the following resolutions:

that it is a moral and social evil; that it does violence tot the rights of man, as a thinking, reasonable, and respon-1 sible being. Influenced by such considerations, this State will oppose the introduction of Slavery into any territory which may be acquired as an indemnity for claims upon Mexico.

Resolved, That, in the acquisition of any free territory, whether by purchase or otherwise, we deem it the duty of the General Government to extend over the same the Ordinance of seventeen hundred and eighty-seven, with all its rights and privileges, conditions and immunities. Representatives requested, to support and carry out the "Resolved, That our Senators be instructed, and our principles of the foregoi g resolutions."

August 2, 1848, the Legislature of Maine, still strongly Democratic, passed the following resolutions relating to the extension of Slavery in newly-acquired territory:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened, That, opposed to every form of oppression, the people of New Hampshire have ever viewed with deep regret the existence of Slavery in this Union; that while they have steadfastly supported all sections in their constitutional rights, they have not only lamented its existence as a great social evil, but regarded it as fraught with danger to the peace and welfare of the nation. Resolved, That while we respect the rights of the slaveholding as well as the free portions of this Union-while we will not willingly consent that wrong be done to any member of the glorious Confederacy to which we belong, we are firmly and unalterably opposed to the extension of | very upon productive energy is like the blight of mildew; Slavery over any portion of American soil now free.

"R solved, That, ia our opinion. Congress has the constitutional power to abolish the slave trade and Slavery in the District of Columbia; and that our Senators be instructel, and our Representatives be requested, to take all constitutional measures to accomplish these objects.-See Speech of Senator Hale.

But how have the Democratic "veterans of an hundred battles" in Maine stood upon this question? We will see.

In 1847, Hon. John W. Dana was Governor of Maine, and the Legislature was strongly Democratic. In his annual message, Governor Dana said:

and compromises which led to the adoption and estab-
"Resolved, That Maine duly appreciates the concession
lishment of the Constitution of the United States; and
spirit of them. At the same time she will firmly resist
she will cheerfully and honestly abide by the letter and
all demands for their enlargement and extension.
sincere, and almost universal, that the influence of Sla-
“Resolved, That the sentiment of this State is profound,

that it is debasing and degrading in its influence upon
violence to the rights of man as a rational, thinking, and
free labor; that it is a moral and social evil; that it does
portant considerations, this State will firmly oppose the
accountable being; influenced by these and other im-
introduction of Slavery into any territory acquired as an
indemnity for claims upon Mexico.

"Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to prevent, by Slavery into teritory of the United States now free. the exercise of all constitutional power, the extension of

"Resolved, That our Senators in Congress are hereby instructed, and our Representatives requested, to support and carry out the principles of the foregoing resolutions."

June 28, 1849, the Democratic party in Maine held a State Convention, at which Hon. John "The territory which we may acquire as indemnity for Hubbard was nominated for Governor. This claims upon Mexico is free; shall it be made slave terri- Convention was composed of six hundred dele tory? The sentiment of the free States is profound, sin-gates, at which the following resolutions were cere, and almost universal, that the influence of Slavery upon productive energy is like the blight of mildew--that passed-only one solitary member voting against it is a moral and a social evil; that it does violer ce to the them: rights of man, as a thinking, reasoning, and responsible being; that its existence in this territory will shut out free labor, because the free man will not submit himself to the degradation which attaches to labor wherever Slavery exists. Influenced by such considerations, the free States will oppose the introduction of Slavery into the territory which may be acquired.'

In speaking of the right of slaveholders to hold their slaves in the Territories of the United States, he further said:

"On the other hand, the slave States claim that this territory will be acquired, if acquired at all, by the blood and treasure of all the States of the Union, to become the joint property of all; to be held for the benefit of all And they emphatically ask, 'Is it consistent with justice?' His right to acquire and possess property is one of the inhe-, rent rights of man, independent of laws and Constitutions. Not so with the right to his slave; that is AN UNNATURAL, AN ARTIFICIAL, A STATUTE RIGHT; and when he voluntarily passes with a slave to a Territory, where the statute recognising the right does not exis, then at once the right


This is precisely where the Republican party now stand. And who is Governor Dana? Now Minister to Bolivia, and appointed by President Pierce.

The Legislature responded, and passed the following resolutions, with only six nays in the House, and by a large majority in the Senate:

"Resolved, That the sentiment of this State is profound, sincere, and almost universal, that the influence of Slavery upon productive energy is like the blight of mildew;

variance with the theory of our Government, abhorrent "Resolved, That the institution of human Slavery is at danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence; to the common sentiment of mankind, and fraught with that the Federal Government possesses adequate power to inhibit its existence in the Territories of the Union; that the constitutionality of this power has been settled by judicial construction, by cotemporaneous expositions, and by repeated and Representatives in Congress to make every exertion, acts of legislation; and that we enjoin upon our Senators and employ all their influence, to procure the passage of a law forever excluding Slavery from the Territories of California and New Mexico.

"Resolved, That while we most cheerfully concede to our Southern brethren the right, on all occasions, to speak and act with entire freedom ou questions connected with Slavery in the Territories, we claim the exercise of the same right for ourselves; and any attempt, from any quarter, to stigmatize us or our Representatives for advocating or defending the opinions of our people upon this surject, will be repelled as an unwarrantable act of aggression upon the rights of the citizens of this State."

At this Convention a committee, of which Colonel Ephraim K. Smart was Chairman, was raised to report an address to the people, from which address I read the following extract:

'The Whig party of this State will undoubtedly present a candidate in opposition to him. [Hubbard,] who he will, at the same time, necessarily feel himself under will be a swift advocate of Anti-Slavery principles; but greater obligations to give aid and comfort to a President [Taylor] and Cabinet hostile to the inhibition of Slavery in our Territories. A Governor with such associates would utterly fail to exert any moral influence in favor of FREEDOM IN THE TERRITORIES. The Anti-Slavery professions, we are sure, of one who is bound to do the bidding of THE

·RESENT CABINET AT WASHINGTON, will be taken at their que value. The PEOPLE have become JUSTLY JEALOUS of those who make such professions, and at the same time cling to the great central power at the Capitol, and FOR FAVOR FIERE, even submit to THE SACRIFICE OF PRINCIPLES. In the present temper of the times, it will be very difficult for such to obtain power."

And who is Colonel Smart? Answer. Collector at Belfast, Maine, appointed by President Pierce, while he is now publishing a newspaper called the "Free Press," puffing the President to the skies, advocating the re-election of General Pierce with a zeal and fanaticism which throws every other Democrat in Maine far into the shade. Governor Hubbard, after his nomination, was written to by some of his political friends as to his position, and made the following reply :

HALLOWELL, July 17, 1849. GENTLEMEN: Yours of the 16th, requesting a "statement of my views in relation to the extension of Slavery into Territories of the United States now free," is before me. The question in all its practical bearings, as a subject of deliberative and solemn legislation, is an extensive one. I can only give here a brief statement of the principles which would guide my action upon it.

ritories of the Uuited States.


not different from your own, or from those usually entertained by Northern men. I regard it as a social, moral, and political evil; and its successful abolition, in my judgment, would be worth almost any price short of the Union itself. The idea of its exter sion into new Territo ries must be abhorrent to every right-minded and soundhearted men. Nothing could induce me to give my vote or influence to establish it on a single foot of free soil."

With this letter in their hands, the friends of Mr. Kimball, on the very eve of the election, went through my district, urging men who had formerly been connected with the Free Soil party to vote for him, alleging, as a reason, that he was more ultra than myself upon the Slavery question, at the same time producing that letter as evidence

of that fact.

Mr. Chairman, I could go on at almost any length in proving, by the records of the past, that the Democratic party upon this question have in years past held the same position now occupied by the Republican party; but I have no time to put in much other evidence to this point, which I have collected for this purpose. But I will now return, and desire to propound the same question to the Democratic party, which the Almighty put to Adam after he had sinned, "Where art thou?" and, by the way, that party is very much in the Third. I would adopt all constitutional and equitable same condition Adam was when thus interromeans to prevent the extension of Slavery into Territo-gated; and as he was driven out of Paradise by his Maker for his sins, so the Democratic party has been driven out of power by the people for the same cause, with now no very good prospect of ever getting back into "Paradise." But to the question and the answer.

First. I believe Congress to have entire, constitutional jurisdiction over the whole subject of Slavery in the TerSecond. I am opposed to Slavery in all its bearings, moral, social, and political, and especially am I opposed to its extension.

ries now free.

Hoping, gentlemen, that this brief expose will meet your views, I am, with sentiments of respect and regard, yours, JOHN HUBBARD. Messrs. ADAMS TREAT, THOMAS M. MERROW, WILLIAM MERRIAM, AUTHOR TREAT, JESSE SMART, JOHN HODGDON, P. SIMONTON, G. N. WHITE, NATHAN WORTHING, DANIEL WENTWORLH, JOSEPH BACHELDER, DANIEL SMITH.

In 1854, the Legislature of Maine--being in session at the time the Kansas-Nebraska bill was pending before Congress-passed the following resolutions, but with six nays in the House, and only one in the Senate:

After General Cass, in his celebrated "Nichol

son letter," in 1848, wandered off South, and pubbeen going on in his own mind as well as in lished to the country the fact that a "change had others," out of respect for, or sympathy with, a great political leader-with a love for the spoils, or an inordinate thirst for power and place, or "Resolved, That the Senators in Congress from Maine some other reasons, he was soon followed by no be instructed, and the Representatives requested, to oppose in every practicable way the passage of the Ne-inconsiderable number of prominent men of his braska bill, so called, so long as it shall contain any provision repealing, abrogating, rescinding, or in any way validating, that provision of the act of Congress approved March 6, 1820, commonly called the Missouri Compromise.

"Resolved, That the Governor be requested to forward

a copy of the above resolution to each of our Senators and Representatives at Washington."

Among those who voted for these resolves were Hon. N. S. Littlefield, a leading Democrat in my State, and four years a member of Congress, and President of the last Democratic State Convention in Maine, held in June last, and Hon. Lot M. Merrill, another leader of the party, who was the Democratic candidate for the United States Senate in opposition to Hon. William P. Fessenden, and is now President of the Senate in Maine.

party. From that day to this, they have been backing down, backing down, and backing down, until the Democratic party has lost every element of nationality, and is now become a mere sectional instrumentality, to spread Slavery into free territory, and build a great slave oligarchy to override every other interest in the whole country. To allow Slavery to go into the vast fields of Kansas and Nebraska, the Democratic party united with the South to break down the great banner of Freedom in the repeal of the Missouri Compact. This party is now using its whole power to make Slavery national. Having by sectional legislation exposed every foot of American soil to the withering, blighting mildews of Slavery, During the Congressional canvass in my dis- the party now hugs the viper to its bosom, and trict, in 1854, and a few days before election, declares eternal hostility to "restoration," or a iny competitor for Congress, Hon. William K. correction of the great wrong by them committed Kimball, came out in a letter, in reply to one ad-upon the best interests of the Union. dressed to him by Hon. W. H. Vinton and others, What is Democracy in 1856? Let us examine inquiring as to his position upon the Slavery question--which letter was extensively circulated through the district-in which Mr. Kimball said: "Gentlemen, I have received your letter of the 1st instant, and lose no time in replying to it. Upon the general subject of American Slavery, my opinions, perhaps, are

this question. In order to a right understanding of this matter, I will call the attention of the Con mittee to certain resolutions passed by Democratic Conventions in several of the States, as their "platform of principles-as the basis of a national organization.”


First, I will read certain resolutions of the favor Southern interests. Is it a national benefit' Democracy of Alabama, at their late Convention to extend Slavery into the Territories, or is it to elect delegates to the Cincinnati Convention. done for the benefit of a section? Was not the This Convention declared in favor of General fugitive slave law made for the benefit of the Pierce's renomination : South, and do not its supporters demand its

The Democratic platform is sectional in all its parts; and to call it à "national" platform is a libel upon the common sense of every man who reads it.

With all these facts glaring them in the face, the members of the so-called Democratic party, the supporters of the present national Adminis

Resolved, 8. That it is expedient that we should be rep-execution to protect Southern interests? resented in the Democratic National Convention upon such conditions as are hereafter expressed. 9. That the delegates to the Democratic National Con vention, to nominate a President and Vice President, are hereby expressly instructed to insist that the said Convention shall adopt a platform of principles as the basis of a national organization, prior to the nomination of candidates, unequivocally asserting, in substance, the following propositions: 1. The recognition and approval of the principle of non-intervention by Congress upon the subject Slavery in the Territories. 2. That no restriction or prohi-tration, have the unblushing impudence to stand bition of Slavery in any Territory shall hereafter be made in any act of Congress. 3. That no State shall be refused admission into the Union because of the existence of Slavery therein. 4. The faithful execution and maintenance "10. That if said National Convention shall refuse to adopt the propositions embraced in the preceding resolution, our delegates to said Convention are hereby positively

of the fugitive slave law.

instructed to withdraw therefrom."

The Democratic Convention Convention of Mississippi, which assembled in January last to elect delegates to the same Convention, passed the following resolutions:

Resolved, “4. That our delegates to the next National Convention of the Democratic party, to be held for the purpose of nominating cai didates for President and Vice President, are hereby instructed that they are to insist on the adoption by said Convention of a platform of principles which shall contain

"1. A recognition and adoption of the principles of the act of Congress commonly called the Kansas-Nebraska "2. A pledge to resist all attempts to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia, or, to prohibit the slave trade


between the States.

"3. A pledge to resist all attempts to repeal the fugitive slave bill, or impair its faithful execution.”

The Democratic State Convention of Georgia, the "Empire State" of the South, which, I think, was holden on the 6th of June last, adopted the following resolutions :

Resolved, That we adopt as our own the following resolution, passed unanimously by the last Legislature of Georgia:

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Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Georgia. That opposition to the principles of the Nebraska bill. in relation to the subject of Slavery, is regarded by the people of Georgia as hostility to the people of the South, and that all persons who partake in such opposition are unfit to be recognised as component parts of any

party or organization not hostile to the South.

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Resolved, That in accordance with the above resolutiou, whilst we are willing to act in party association with all sound and reliable men in every section of the Union, we are not willing to affiliate with any party that shali not recognise, approve, and carry out, the principles and provisions of the Nebraska-Kansas act; and that the Democratic party of Georgia will cut off all party connection with every man and party at the North or elsewhere that does not come up. fully and fairly to this line of action."

I have no time to refer to resolutions of Democratic Conventions in other States; they are all

of the same tenor.

The Democratic platform has three principal planks :

1. The Constitution of the United States carries Slavery into the Territories, and there protects it; 2. No restriction or prohibition of Slavery in the Territories; and

3. The maintenance and execution of the fugitive slave law.

up, and say to those of us who have, on the stump and at the ballot-box, through good report and evil report, supported Jackson, and Van Buren, and Polk, and Pierce, (until he forsook his friends and abandoned his platform,) and have clung to the Democratic party like the mariner to the wreck, until there was not a single plank of its good old platform left to save us from perdition, that we have left the Democratic party-that we have changed and gone over to Abolitionism-when they know, and we know, and the whole world knows, that they are the men that have changed, they are the deserters, that they have gone off and offered sacrifices to strange gods, while we are defending the sacramental altars and consecrated fires of the "God of our fathers." While we are, in good faith, maintaining and defending the doctrine of Jefferson and the Democratic party, they are bowing down and worshiping the Dagon god of African Slavery.

will not adopt the platform dictated by the sevBut it may be said the Cincinnati Convention eral State Convention I have referred to. If any one entertains this opinion, he is grossly mistaken. What says the Democracy of Alabama? They instruct their delegates to "withdraw," unless the Convention comes up to the mark; while the Democrats of Georgia declare they "will cut off all party connection with every man and party at the North, or elsewhere, that does not fully and fairly come up to this line of action." It may be a bitter dose for Northern Democrats, and they may at first resist it; but it will be of no use, for they will have to drink the poisoned draught to the very dregs. Yes, gentlemen, you have got to take the whole dose; and, however bitter and nauseating it may be, you have not only got to swallow it, but say you love it. Every Northern Democrat will have to mount the Juggernaut car of Slavery, "hold the reins, or crack the whip," or be thrown overboard to be crushed under the honorable gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. ponderous weight of its gigantic wheels. An KEITT] the other day, in eloquent but plain lanline of policy it had got to pursue to receive guage, announced to the Democratic party the Southern support. That gentleman said:

"The Democratic party at the North has been cut down in the fight. It has passed through fire and water. It has come out cleansed, with whitened garments. It is now strong enough to do battle for the Constitution. Will you swell it, for the spoils, with a motley horde, wearing soiled and tattered robes? If you will, give the platform to the South, and the man to the North." * * * * The South should establish in the platform the principle,

Here is a platform constructed exclusively to that the right of a Southern man to his slave is equal in its

length and breadth to the right of the Northern man to his
horse. She should make the recognition of the right full,
complete, and indisputable."
There is one other piece of evidence I will offer
upon this point. Franklin Pierce and his Admin-
istration are endorsed by the Democratic party.
Of course, what he believes they believe. Now,
to show his position and that of the party who
support him, I will read an extract of a letter
from Senator Evans, of South Carolina, recently
written and published, recommending his State
to go into the Cincinnati Convention. He says:
“President Pierce is a man after our own heart. Both

disruption of these States. We revere the Constitution, and live up to all its obligations; and when we are charged with disloyalty to this great charter of Freedom, we hurl back the charge, and deny the impeachment.

But who makes these charges against the ReWhat political organization publican party? stands up to charge the Republicans of this country with political treason? It is the so-called Democratic party that has done it, and is now doing it. Sir, this issue has been forced upon us, and we accept it. We will not only act on the defensive, but we แ carry the war into Africa." How stands the Nebraska Democracy upon this

in words and deeds he comes nearer to our opinions than
any man who has preceded him for the last thirty years.
Our vote may give him the nomination, and my best judg-question?
ment is that we ought to join in the selection."

I have some recollection about a Southern ConIn the face of these facts, we hear it proclaimed vention at Nashville, in June, 1850. I do not say in these Halls, upon the stump, and everywhere, for what purpose this meeting was called. I will that the Democratic party is a national party. let Colonel Trotti, a delegate from South CaroMembers of this Southern-sectional party talk lina to said Convention, give his understanding with great flippancy about "national Democrats," of the matter, by giving an extract of a speech "of "national Democracy;" and almost in the same made by him at the meeting at which he was breath denounce the only truly national party in chosen. It may be found in the National Intelthe country as "Black Republicans," sectional-ligencer, in June, 1850. He says, in giving his ists, and fanatics. Black Republicans! Who can own views: help admiring the taste of a party who, for the want of argument to sustain their cause, resort to the doubtful experiment of dealing in opprobrious epithets? "Black Republicans!" Sir, let the party whose very existence is shrouded by the "black" pall of Egyptian night, first wash out the "black" stains of its own pollution, before it deals out contemptuous, reproachful terms upon its neighbors.

"That Convention should say to the non-slaveholding States, the South will maintain her rights and equality in the Union, or she will dissolve it.”

In this Convention figured several distinguished gentlemen of the Democratic party. One of the resolutions there adopted declares

submit to the enactment by Congress of any law imposing

"That the slaveholding States cannot and WILL NOT onerous conditions and restraints upon the rights of mas ters to remove with their property into the Territories of the United States."

Mr. Chairman, before closing my remarks, I desire to notice another charge of a more serious I think a majority of the meeting, after getting character, brought against the Republican party. together, were opposed to taking any violent measThe members of this party are charged with be-ures to bring about a rupture with the General ing "disunionists." Never was there a charge Government; yet Governor Foote, of Mississippi, more unfounded, more untrue. I call upon gen- in a speech in the United States Senate, July 18, tlemen who make this groundless assumption 1850, says: to bring out your proof, or "back out." But it was said on this floor, prior to the organization of this House, that the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, who with so much ability and impartiality presides over our legislative deliberations, upon a certain occasion said, there "might come a contingency when he should be willing to let the Union slide;" and almost any amount of holy horror was expressed by the Administration members of the House over this


Now, sir, supposing the honorable Speaker did make this remark-which I do not admit-it is no threat of disunion; it expresses no desire for disunion; and it never can be tortured into the expression of a sentiment favorable to the dissolution of the Union under any contingency. I defy any gentleman to point me to a single Republican Convention, in any part of the country, that has ever been holden, where anything like disunion sentiments have been uttered. These charges of disunion against the Republican party, or any of its members, when investigated and weighed in the balance of truth, will all disappear, like the "baseless fabric of a vision." Neither is there anything in the political opinions or platform of the Republican party, that tends to a

"That there were disunionists there, (though I regret to acknowledge it,) is a fact which cannot be denied, for several gentlemen who acted a prominent part in the Convention are understood to have unfurled the flag of disunion since the Convention adjourned."--Appen. Cong. Globe, rol. 22, p. 1320.

in a speech in the United States Senate, June 27, Hon. Jefferson Davis, now Secretary of War, 1850, when speaking of "disunion,” said :

I could look forward to as the last resort; but it is one, let "It is an alternative not to be anticipated-one to which me say, which under certain contingencies I am willing to meet; and I leave my constituents to judge when that contingency arrives."-Cong. Globe.

I could go on and read from speeches of eminent gentlemen of the Democratic party, in times past, in which they make direct threats to dissolve the Union; but I will only read two or three extracts from speeches made by Democrats upon this floor, containing their opinions upon this question.

An honorable member from South Carolina, [Mr. BROOKS,] in a debate in this House on the 24th of December last, said:

"The gentleman from Massachusetts has announced to the world that, in certain contingencies, he is willing to reversed, and I am willing to let the Union slide; ay, sir, let the Union slide. Now, sir, let his contingencies be to aid in making it slide.”


Another honorable member from Virginia, [Mr. | notions of constitutional law? Sir, we near a MCMULLIN,] in a debate in this House on the 20th of December last, said:

"One of the greatest misfortunes of the country, Mr. Clerk, is the fact that our Northern brethren mistake the character of the South. They suppose that the Southern disunionists are confined to the Calhoun wing of the Democratic party. That, sir, is the greatest error that the people of the North have ever fallen into. And I tell you, sir, and I want the country to know it-I want the gentlemen from the free States, our Republicans, our Seward Republicans, our Abolitionists, or whatever else you may be called, to know it-that if you restore the Missouri Compromise, or repeal the fugitive slave law, this Union will be dissolved. "If the Government goes into the hands of the North, into the hands of the Republican party, of the Abolition party-for I like to call things by their true names-I say if the Government of the country goes into the hands of the Abolitionists of the North, and they either repeal the fugitive slave law or restore the Missouri Compromise, I tell the House, and I tell the country, that there will then be union at the South upon this question."

The same gentleman goes on still further to say:

great deal of boasting about "National Democrats"-"National Democracy." These terms mean nothing but this: a party that is in favor of spreading Slavery into free territory. Again, we hear gentlemen declaiming loud and long about our "constitutional obligations," which, when being truly interpreted, mean “catching runaway negroes."

Then, again, we hear the Republican party denounced as Black Republicans, Disunionists, Abolitionists. Very well, we understand why these reproachful terms are applied to the Republicans. It is simply because they believe in the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, that the Constitution embodies the great principles of personal liberty; it is because they stand upon the old time-honored platform of Washington, of Jefferson, of Franklin, of Langdon, of Madison, and all the early fathers. Sir, could the Father of his Country awake from the tomb, and leave the quiet retreats of his own Mount Vernon, and his stately form again revisit the national Capitol


"And let me ask gentlemen from the North, if this Union is dissolved, who holds your National Capitol! But let me say to gentlemen of the North, you cannot get posses-bearing his name-could the sainted spirit of the sion of this National Capitol.

"The Capitol now belongs to no section. It belongs alike to North, South, East, and West. But, sir, it was erected upon slave territory, and if the hand of disunion shall ever sever the States of this Republic, you shall never take possession of it while I occupy my seat as a Representative upon this floor. And more, I tell them that when the North and the South sever the connection which now.binds them together, the North will never take possession of this Capitol unless they pass over my dead body."

immortal Jefferson be reunited to the dust that now reposes amid the solitudes of Monticello, and again mingle with the living, they would both be denounced by this same Democratic party with contumelious opprobriums; they would both be denounced as Black Republicans, Abolitionists, traitors to this great Republic, which their wisdom and patriotism founded.

The gentleman says this Capitol was erected Mr. Chairman, we are gravely told, in this upon slave territory; and, in case of a dissolution, House and other places, that if the Democratic if the North get any part of the public plunder, party are defeated in the next Presidential elecwhile he occupies a seat, they will have to "pass tion, and the Republican party elect their candiover his dead body." When I listened to this date to the Presidential chair, the Union will be remark, it brought "vividly to my recollection a dissolved. Let me say to gentlemen on the other scene that was witnessed in this same slavehold- side of the House, not tauntingly, but respectfuling territory," in August, 1814, when a handful ly, in the face of your threat, we shall beat you of British soldiers and sailors, after spending if we can. If we succeed, (as I trust in God we about a month upon the waters of the Chesapeake, shall,) then I say again, not to menace, but to landed, and dragging their three pieces of artil- warn you, Dissolve this glorious Union if you dare lery up by hand, over this same "slaveholding do it. You have practiced this same game too territory," applied the torch to the Capitol, re-long-you have "dissolved the Union" too many duced it to a heap of smouldering ruins, and, after destroying our library and public archives, leisurely re-embarked, and quietly sailed away to other scenes of operation.

times before, to disturb the repose or unsettle the nerves of the intelligent, patriotic citizens of these thirty-one States. Gentlemen, "Othello's occupation's gone." Your thundering gasconade, The Democratic State Convention of Alabama, that the "Union will be dissolved," has died before referred to, in their fourth resolution de-away in harmless accents, and ceases to alarm clare

"That any interference by Congress for the prevention of Slavery in any of the Territories, would be an inexcusab'e ad unconstitutional infringement of the rights of the South. which, it is the deliberate sense of this Convention, it would be the duty of the people of Alabama to resist even - DISRUPTION OF THE TIES THAT BIND THIS STATE TO THE UNION."

This is the party which taunts the Republicans with the charge of "disunion." Let this party first "cast the beam out of its own eye," before it undertakes to "cast the mote out of its brother's eye."

Where can you find a Republican Convention passing resolves deliberately threatening to "dissolve the Union," if the particular measures of the party are not adopted, or if the legislation of the country shall not happen to conform to their

even the fearful and timid. But, if gentlemen really desire to dissolve the Union, why not do something besides talk and threaten? Why not begin-why not try the fearful experiment? You need not wait a day on the account of the Republican party. We are as willing to meet you now as at any future time, and settle this question, if you want to try it. Yes, gentlemen, we will meet you upon this question whenever and wherever you present it. The Republicans of these United States, upon this issue, have but one flag, the "stars and stripes." Not one star upon its floating folds will they ever see bedimmed or blotted out-not one stripe disfigured by the lawless hand of treason. They have but one mottothe motto transmitted to the American people by the immortal Jackson, "The Union-it must be

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