Dissolution ment. Convocation. of calling on the counties to provide 'coat and conduct money' for the men levied from each county. As it happened, ship-money had fallen most heavily on the southern shires; but the new demand had pressed most on the northern counties; and Yorkshire, whose contribution to the last levy of ship-money had only been £12,000, had had to pay £40,000 in provisions and equipments for its levies in the newly-raised army. Charles, however, pressed for twelve subsidies, and the Commons proposed to meet his demand by a petition that he would come of Parlia- to terms with the Scots. This, doubtless, seemed to Charles little less than a demand that parliament, and not he, should direct the policy of the country, and before the petition could be voted parliament was dissolved. Convocation, however, sat a few days longer, and, besides voting a liberal grant out of their own pockets, drew up a body of canons for the regulation of the church. It was now Strafford's turn to try whether he could be more successful than Charles. In the council he declared his view that parliament Strafford's having failed, the king must assume a practical dictatorViews. ship. Half measures would never do. Charles' one hope lay in success against the Scots. 'Go on vigorously,' said Strafford, 'or let them alone. . . . Go on with a vigorous war as you first designed, loose and absolved from all rules of government. .. You have an army in Ireland you may employ here to reduce the kingdom.' In these views he was fully supported by Laud. Strafford, however, soon found that it was easier to speak than to act. Neither the characters of Charles or his ministers fitted them to carry out his ideas of 'thorough.' The Londoners refused to pay a loan, and though Strafford declared that no good would be done with the Londoners till some of them were hanged, Foreign Aid the rest of the privy council held back. Charles' idea was solicited. to apply to foreign courts for aid. Solicitations were made to Denmark, Holland, Spain, and even to the pope, but he had no idea of vigorous action for himself. Worst of all, Strafford himself fell ill, and while he was incapacitated, confusion grew worse confounded. The Second In August the Scots, led by Alexander Leslie, took the decisive measure of crossing the Tweed. Before their well-drilled troops Charles' mutinous levies retreated in confusion at Newburn on the Bishops' Tyne. An attempt was made to dispute the passage, but the military measures were badly taken, and the Scots poured into Yorkshire. The whole plan of defence seemed to have given way, and Strafford confided to his friend, Radcliffe, that 'never man saw so lost a business . . . a universal affright of all; a general disaffection to the king's service: none sensible of his dishonour. In one word (I am) here alone to fight with all these evils, without any one to help. Charles' great hope had been that the advance of the Scots would rouse the national spirit; but for the first time Englishmen regarded a victory won by foreign troops on English soil as a triumph for themselves and took advantage of Charles' misfortune to press for a new parliament. In reply Charles fell back on a precedent of Edward I., and called a meeting of the Magnum Concilium, or council of peers. This assembly met at York, but while the members pledged their credit to raise money, they reiterated the demand for a parliament. The ment sumking, seeing no other course open to him, made a truce with the Scots, agreed to pay them £25,000 a month, and summoned a parliament to meet on November 3, 1640. Long Parlia moned. One Between the issue of the writs and the meeting of parliament, meetings were held at Ripon between English and Scottish commissioners, and it was agreed that till a full treaty were signed, the Treaty of Scots should occupy Northumberland and Durham, and Ripon. that £25,000 a month should be paid for their maintenance. month's instalment was arranged for; the second would come due after parliament met; so that unless Charles could persuade parliament to find the money, an immediate advance of the Scots might be looked for. The existence of the Scottish army was, therefore, a complete guarantee against an immediate dissolution. CHAPTER III CHARLES L PART II The Composition of the Long Parliament-The Trial and Death of Strafford-Reforming Measures-The Religious Question and Division of PartiesImpeachment of the five Members-Opening of the War-First Civil WarImprisonment of the King-Second Civil War-Trial of Charles. Parliament. Lords. ON November 3 the members of the celebrated Long Parliament met at Westminster. Among the Lords the most noticeable figures were Archbishop Laud, with his friends Juxon, Mainwaring, The Long Wren, and Montague, and his old opponent, Williams, bishop of Lincoln. Strafford was not present at the opening of parlia ment, so the most conspicuous personages among the lay Leading peers were the earl of Bristol, anxious to find some means of preserving an efficient monarchy; Lord Finch, former Speaker and supporter of ship-money; the earl of Bedford, titular leader of the Puritans and patron of Pym, with his friends the earls of Essex and Warwick; Viscount Saye and Sele, whose talent of intrigue had gained him the title of 'old subtlety'; Edward Montagu, Lord Kimbolton (afterwards earl of Manchester); and Robert Greville, Lord Brooke. Leading Among the Commons the leaders were John Pym, John Hampden, and John Selden, already well known; Denzil Hollis, and William Strode, who had held Finch in his chair in 1629; Oliver St. John, Hampden's counsel in the ship-money trial; Sir Arthur Hazelrig, Oliver Cromwell, and Sir Harry Vane, all stout Puritans; Bristol's eldest son, Lord Digby, clever but ostentatious; Edward Hyde, formal, painstaking, and church-loving; Lucius Carey, Viscount Falkland, most thoughtful of those who admired neither Laudism nor Puritanism; Edmund Waller, the poet-all of whom were one day to be royalists; William Waller, Ralph Hopton, and Ferdinand, Lord Fairfax, who, with Essex, Cromwell, and Manchester, were to be the leaders in the war; and Sir Simon d'Ewes, from whose painstaking note-books Commoners. we learn most of what is known of the daily life of the great assembly. The mass of the members were country gentlemen and lawyers. The merchants were few; and most members were university men, in no way disposed to violent reforms, and by no means sympathetic with persons whose rank and habits differed from their own. Appearance of the House. In those days there were no regular parties, and men sat as they liked in different parts of the house, and consequently it was some time before the members found their level. From the first, however, the most conspicuous man was John Pym. Pym's strong point was his excellent debating power, and consummate prudence, with which he united an instinctive knowledge of what the bulk of his party really desired. He shared all their weaknesses and prejudices; and consequently he was always in touch with his followers, and never lived in a region apart. For instance, Pym was quite of opinion that Laud and Strafford had been engaged in a systematic plot the one to overthrow Protestantism, the other parliamentary government; and he also believed that self-seeking ambition was the mainspring of Strafford's conduct. This is now known to be a caricature of Strafford's real position; but it was then the universally accepted explanation of his conduct, and Pym merely shared the belief of others. This added to his influence, and he soon became so powerful in the House that his enemies called him King Pym. So universal was the above-mentioned belief, that the policy of Strafford and Laud was without supporters; and the house, with Strafford. practical unanimity, agreed to impeach Strafford and Laud, and those of the judges and bishops who had been their chief allies. A committee was named to inquire into the results of their government. By this time Pym had in his possession a copy of the notes of Strafford's speech to the privy council (see page 536), which had been taken by the elder Vane. The younger Vane had found them among his father's papers, and had given a copy to Pym and kept one himself; and on this Pym was preparing to charge Strafford with high treason. Meanwhile, Strafford himself had reached London. His safest place was at the head either of the English or Irish army; but Charles had implored him to come, and had given his kingly word that he 'should not suffer in his person, honour, or fortune.' On his arrival, Strafford at once gave his voice for a policy of counter-attack, and argued that Charles should carry the war into the enemy's country by himself impeaching the Puritan leaders of treasonable correspondence with the Scots. Warned of what was in store, Pym struck first; and, on November 11, the earl was accused, on behalf of the |