Rockingham would gladly have had the aid of Shelne; but Shelburne had now given up all connection with Bute and Fox, and through a community of ideas on the Wilkes affair and on American taxation, was rapidly drifting into an alliance with Pitt. He was, moreover, also deterred from joining by the circumstance that Rockingham was giving the post of vice-treasurer of Ireland to the notorious Lord George Sackville. Rockingham's private secretary was a young Irishman, Edmund Burke, already well known as a man of immense knowledge, but as yet without a seat in parliament, who was destined to play a most important part ir the history of his country. Opposed as they were by the Grenvilles and Bedfords, and coldly supported by Pitt, the Rockingham govern ment depended from the outset on the precarious aid of 'the king's friends,' and it seems to have been understood from the moment they took office that George would rid himself of them at the earliest opportunity.

Act.

The new government was formed in July 1765, and when parliament met in December, two great measures were passed: one repealing the Stamp Act, the second declaring the right of parliament to Repeal of the Stamp legislate for America 'in all cases whatsoever.' The first was that on which the ministers relied for conciliation; but public opinion compelled them to pass the second in order to vindicate the dignity of parliament. They were, however, assured by Benjamin Franklin, the well-known agent-general for Pennsylvania, that 'the resolutions of right would give the colonists very little concern, if they are never attempted to be carried into practice.' In passing both acts the Rockingham ministry had the full support of Pitt, who declared 'that he was glad the colonists had resisted,' and pointed out that our trade with the American colonies was worth £2,000,000 a year, and that we were risking that sum for a miserable pittance. They were also aided by Shelburne, but were openly opposed by Grenville and the Bedford Whigs, and covertly by 'the king's friends.' Franklin's words proved true. The repeal of the Stamp Act was received with enthusiasm at both sides of the Atlantic, the reduced duties were readily paid, and for a time no notice was taken of the Declaratory Act.

Fall of Rockingham.

In spite, however, of his support of the repeal of the Stamp Act, Pitt held to a distinction between supporting measures and acting with men. He repeatedly refused to join the administration, though he gave a hearty support to the passing of a resolution by which 'general warrants' were condemned as absolutely illegal. This resolution, and the repeal of the Stamp Act, were bitterly resented at court; the king's friends' began to vote against the king's

ministers; and, after having held office exactly a year, Rockingham was dismissed.

Application was then made to Pitt. That statesman, who had forced himself into high office in spite of the party of which Rockingham was now the leader, disliked party connections almost as much Grafton's as the king did, and thinking that the way was now clear for Ministry. the formation of a ministry composed of men of all parties, he readily accepted office. The nominal head of the new ministry was the duke of Grafton, one of Rockingham's secretaries of state; the other, Conway, retained his post, and the leadership of the Commons. Charles Townshend was chancellor of the exchequer. These all ranked as followers of Rockingham. Pitt himself was privy seal, his old friend Pratt became chancellor as Lord Camden, and his new ally, Shelburne, in spite of the hostility of the king, was made the second secretary of state. Lord North and Barré also had places. No post was offered to Rockingham, or to any member of the Bedford or Grenville party.

Weakness

This administration, which was afterwards described by Burke as 'a piece of diversified mosaic,' very curious to look at but most unsafe to touch, had an appearance of strength much greater than the reality; but it was unlucky from the first, and turned out of the new Ministry. a complete failure. Pitt's office of lord privy seal necessitated his sitting in the House of Lords, and his acceptance of the title of earl of Chatham was a mistake so great that it seemed to many an act of political suicide. Not only did he leave the House of Commons, which for years he had ruled with almost unquestioned authority, for the House of Lords, where his fiery rhetoric was completely out of place, but it lost him his popular title of 'the great commoner,' and greatly impaired his reputation for disinterested patriotism. Moreover, his efforts to group together such a heterogeneous body of politicians resulted in his own views having no adequate support in his own administration, while his efforts to strengthen himself by negotiations with all parties made him at least as many enemies as friends. In these circumstances it was suddenly announced that he was ill. How ill he was will never be known, but he first refused to see his colleagues, or even to have an audience with the king; then he ceased all attendance at parliament, declined even to answer letters, withdrew to his country seat, or to Bath; and finally took no share in public business.

Left thus without a head-for Grafton, though not without ability, had little real influence-the ministry had neither coherence Charles nor policy. Charles Townshend, the witty but volatile chancellor of the exchequer, driven to despair by an adverse vote of the

Townshend.

House, which reduced the land-tax from four to three shillings in the pound, again bethought himself of America as a source of revenue, and imposed customs duties, to the estimated value of £40,000 a year, on glass, paper, pasteboard, white and red lead, painters' colours and tea Out of the proceeds were to be paid the salaries of the colonial governors and judges, and any surplus was to be applied to colonial defence. As another source of revenue he at the same time bargained with the East India Company for an annual payment to government of £400,000. These acts took up most of the session of 1767, and in September Townshend died suddenly of fever. This unexpected event caused further confusion. Chatham made no sign; so Grafton in despair effected a coalition with the Bedford Whigs, and also brought into the Cabinet Lord North, the eldest son of the old Jacobite, Earl of Guildford.

Wilkes.

In March 1768, there was a general election. Wilkes came back from Paris, and, after obtaining a considerable number of votes for the city of London, was triumphantly returned for Middlesex; the election cry of his supporters being 'Wilkes and Liberty.' Then, before parliament met, he surrendered to the Court of King's Bench, and was committed to King's Bench prison to await sentence on his former conviction for libel. Meanwhile parliament met on May 10, and a violent mob, angry that Wilkes was not released, assembled at the prison and made such a disturbance that the military were called in, the Riot Act read, and a score of persons were killed and wounded by the fire of the soldiers. Whether from ill luck or accident, a Scottish regiment was employed, and Wilkes, becoming possessed of a letter in which the secretary of state had ordered the magistrates to make use of the military in case of emergency, made a fresh attack on the Scots, and fiercely inveighed against Weymouth's 'bloody scroll' On his appearance in court Wilkes was then sentenced for his former libels to pay £1000, and to be imprisoned for twenty-two months, but the court did not dare to put him in the pillory. This sentence was regarded as simply malignant; and Wilkes and his '45' became so popular that the number was scored upon every wall and vehicle within fifteen miles of London, and even the Austrian ambassador was dragged out of his coach and had the mystic number chalked on the soles of his shoes.

When the excitement was at the highest Chatham resigned, and there were not wanting those who suggested that a dramatic opportunity rather than improved health was what he had long been waiting of Chatham. for. It was soon rumoured that he would be well enough to appear in opposition.

Resignation

Meanwhile, the Wilkes' case was giving infinite trouble to the ministers. -Grafton would gladly have pardoned him, and allowed him to sink to his natural level; but George regarded the affair as personal to Wilkes and himself, and insisted that he should be expelled from parlia

Middlesex.

ment. Accordingly on February 3, 1769, his expulsion was voted on the ground of his former libels and his recent attack upon Weymouth. On the 16th he was re-elected unopposed, and the very next day the House voted, by 235 to 89, that he was 'incapable of sitting in the present parliament,' and a new election was ordered. Again Wilkes, who was still in prison, was returned unopposed, and the election again declared void. Finally, at the fourth election, Colonel Luttrell, afterwards Lord Carhampton, stood against him, and though Wilkes received 1143 votes to 296 given for his opponent, the Commons declared, by 197 votes to 143, that Luttrell ought to have been elected,' and gave him the seat. The decision was grossly unconstitutional; for even if Wilkes was ineligible, it did not follow that Luttrell commanded a majority of the voters, and the conduct of the government was strongly denounced by the whole weight of the Rockingham and Grenville Whigs, and also by Lord Chatham's friends, Lords Shelburne and Temple, in the Lords, and by Conway, Burke, Grenville, and Barré, in the Commons. Out of doors the government was most unpopular. Grafton commanded no respect, either for character or ability. Repeated riots showed the violence and discontent of the masses, while the press teemed with letters and pamphlets which equalled the North Briton in violence and excelled it in ability.

Of these, special attention was called to a series of letters which were published over the signature of 'Junius,' and were printed in the Public Advertiser. The first letter with this signature appeared in The Letters November, 1768; and in January, 1769, a series of letters of 'Junius.' began which culminated in December, 1769, in a letter addressed to the king, and terminated in January, 1772. Several causes gave notoriety to these letters. Their style was excellent; the virulence of their invective surpassed anything yet seen, even in that foul-mouthed age; they dealt largely in private scandal, and, above all, they were written by some one who was evidently, to a large extent, behind the scenes. All these things ensured plenty of readers, and the letters were republished in papers and magazines all over the kingdom. Who 'Junius' was has never been known; and though many believe that the writer was Philip Francis, a clerk in the War Office, there is strong evidence to the contrary; and even if he wrote the letters, it is quite possible that he was inspired and aided by some one of higher position. 'Junius' was in favour of

Wilkes, but opposed to the American colonies-an attitude which probably reflects very fairly that of the average Englishman of the day, and goes far to account for the influence of his writings.

Meanwhile, in parliament a strong opposition had been formed in both

Houses.

Grafton
Resigns.

Rockingham, Richmond, Chatham, and Shelburne in the

Lords, and Grenville, Barré, and Burke in the Commons, though not agreed among themselves, united in attacking the ministers. Before such a phalanx of ability and influence Grafton quailed; and on January 15, 1770, the very date fixed for a debate in the House of Lords on the state of the nation, Grafton resigned. Had the opposition been united they might now have forced their own terms on the king; but there was no real bond of union between Rockingham and Chatham. So George, cleverly taking advantage of their differences, contrived to reorganise the government under the leadership of Lord North.

Lord
North's

The new prime minister was one of the most remarkable parliamentary figures of the time. Though clumsy and short-sighted, he was a capital debater and an excellent man of affairs, while his imperturbable good temper enabled him to bear with Ministry. equanimity the most virulent invective of the opposition, and his wit to turn the laugh against his opponents. In private life he was a universal favourite. North's weakness, however, lay in an easiness of disposition which led him to carry out plans of which he did not approve rather than take the trouble to oppose them. It was, however, this quality which recommended him to George, who found in him exactly the prime minister for whom he had been seeking-one pliable enough to adopt the king's policy as his own, and sufficiently clever to defend it in the House of Commons. George's policy met with even greater success than might have been expected. Within a short time the opposition fell completely to pieces. Rockingham's opposition was lukewarm. Wilkes lost ground by his character. Grenville died in 1770, Bedford in 1771, and in the same year Shelburne and Barré went abroad. The result was that North was all-powerful in parliament, and as the country thoroughly approved of his American policy, the opposition had little hope of improving their position.

Several important domestic events marked the beginning of North's administration. As the personality of 'Junius' could not be discovered, Prosecution an attempt was made to prove his publisher Woodfall guilty of Woodfall. of publishing and printing a seditious libel, but the jury found Woodfall guilty, not of libel, but of publishing only. On this the judge, Lord Mansfield, denied the right of the jury to judge of the law