vern. But I never heard that any publick meafure, or political fyftem, much less that the merits of the conftitution of any foreign nation, had been the subject of a formal proceeding at their feftivals; until, to my inexpreffible furprise, I found them in a fort of publick capacity, by a congratulatory addrefs, giving an authoritative fanction to the proceedings of the national affembly in France.

In the ancient principles and conduct of the club, fo far at least as they were declared, I fee nothing to which I could take exception. I think it very probable, that for some purpose, new members may have entered among them; and that fome truly christian politicians, who love to dif penfe benefits, but are careful to conceal the hand which distributes the dole, may have made them the inftruments of their pious defigns. Whatever I may have reason to suspect concerning private management, I fhall speak of nothing as of a certainty but what is publick.

For one, I fhould be forry to be thought, directly or indirectly, concerned in their proceedings, I certainly take my full share, along with the reft of the world, in my individual and private capacity, in fpeculating on what has been done, or is doing, on the publick stage; in any place ancient or modern; in the republick of Rome, or the republick of Paris; but having no VOL. V. Ꭰ general

general apoftolical miffion, being a citizen of a particular state, and being bound up in a confideable degree, by its publick will, I should think it at leaft improper and irregular for me to open a formal publick correspondence with the actual government of a foreign nation, without the exprefs authority of the government under which I live.

I should be still more unwilling to enter into that correfpondence, under any thing like an equivocal description, which to many, unacquainted with our ufages, might make the addrefs, in which I joined, appear as the act of perfons in fome fort of corporate capacity, acknowledged by the laws of this kingdom, and authorized to speak the fenfe of fome part of it. On account of the ambiguity and uncertainty of unauthorized general defcriptions, and of the deceit which may be practifed under them, and not from mere formality, the house of commons would reject the most sneaking petition for the most trifling object, under that mode of fignature to which you have thrown open the folding-doors of your prefence chamber, and have ushered into your national affembly with as much ceremony and parade, and with as great a buftle of applause, as if you had been visited by the whole reprefentative majesty of the whole English nation. If what this fociety has thought proper to fend forth had been a piece of argument, it would have fignified little whofe argument

argument it was. It would be neither the more nor the less convincing on account of the party it came from. But this is only a vote and refolution. It stands folely on authority; and in this cafe it is the mere authority of individuals, few of whom Their fignatures ought, in my opinion,

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appear. to have been annexed to their inftrument. world would then have the means of knowing how many they are; who they are; and of what value their opinions may be, from their perfonal abilities, from their knowledge, their experience, or their lead and authority in this state. To me, who am but a plain man, the proceeding looks a little too refined, and too ingenious; it has too much the air of a political ftratagem, adopted for the fake of giving, under a high-founding name, an importance to the publick declarations of this club, which, when the matter came to be closely inspected, they did not altogether fo well deferve. It is a policy that has very much the complexion of a fraud.

I flatter myself that I love a manly, moral, regulated liberty as well as any gentleman of that fociety, be he who he will; and perhaps I have given as good proofs of my attachment to that cause, in the whole course of my publick conduct. I think I envy liberty as little as they do, to any other nation. But I cannot stand forward, and give praise or blame to any thing which relates to human

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human actions, and human concerns, on a fimple view of the object, as it ftands stripped of every relation, in all the nakedness and folitude of metaphysical abftraction. Circumstances (which with fome gentlemen pafs for nothing) give in reality to every political principle its distinguishing colour, and discriminating effect. The circumftances are what render every civil and political fcheme beneficial or noxious to mankind. Abftractedly speaking, government, as well as liberty, is good; yet could I, in common fenfe, ten years ago, have felicitated France on her enjoyment of a government (for fhe then had a government) without inquiry what the nature of that government was, or how it was adminiftered? Can I now congratulate the fame nation upon its freedom? Is it becaufe liberty in the abftract may be claffed amongst the bleflings of mankind, that I am feriously to felicitate a mad-man, who has efcaped from the protecting restraint and wholesome darknefs of his cell, on his reftoration to the enjoyment of light and liberty? Am I to congratu late a highwayman and murderer, who has broke prifon, upon the recovery of his natural rights? This would be to act over again the scene of the criminals condemned to the gallies, and their heroick deliverer, the metaphyfick knight of the forrowful countenance.

When I fee the fpirit of liberty in, action, I fee a

ftrong principle at work; and this, for a while, is all I can poffibly know of it. The wild gas, the fixed air is plainly broke loofe: but we ought to fufpend our judgment until the firft effervefcence is a little fubfided, till the liquor is cleared, and until we see something deeper than the agitation of a troubled and frothy furface. I must be tolerably fure, before I venture publickly to congratulate men upon a bleffing, that they have really received one. Flattery corrupts both the receiver and the giver; and adulation is not of more fervice to the people than to kings. I fhould therefore fufpend my congratulations on the new liberty of France, until I was informed how it had been combined with government; with publick force; with the discipline and obedience of armies; with the collection of an effective and welldiftributed revenue; with morality and religion; with folidity and property; with peace and order; with civil and focial manners. All these (in their way) are good things too; and, without them, liberty is not a benefit whilft it lafts, and is not likely to continue long. The effect of liberty to individuals is, that they may do what they pleafe: we ought to fee what it will please them to do, before we rifk congratulations, which may be foon turned into complaints. Prudence would dictate this in the cafe of feparate infulated private men; but liberty, when men act in bodies, is power.

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