whose salaries are not dependent on the favour of the parents of their pupils, neglect their work. These teachers are not constrained by higher motives than ministers, nor are they held to a stricter responsibility. 3. Our foreign missionaries have a support independent of the people among whom they labour. And yet, as a body, they are as faithful, diligent, and successful, to say the least, as any other equal number of our clergy. 4. This is no new plan, it has been acted on for centuries. Whatever may be said of the orthodoxy or spirituality of the stipendiary clergy of Prussia, for example, they are as hardworking a class of men as any to be found in this country. They not only conduct public worship on Sundays and festivals, but they must attend to the sick, and to the burial of the dead, and devote certain hours every week to the religious instruction of the young in the public schools. Every child in Prussia, male or female, passes through a course of religious training by the clergy, and you cannot find a barefooted boy in the streets of Berlin, who cannot read and write, and give an intelligible account of the historical facts of the Bible, and, if approaching the age of fourteen, who cannot repeat the creed, the Lord's prayer, and Luther's catechism. These results imply an amount of faithful and systematic labour, which the plan of making the clergy dependent on their own people has never yet secured.

We are not concerned about the way, if only the end be secured. Let the church remember that her field is the world, that she is bound gratefully to receive, and, if need be, to educate, every young man whom the Holy Spirit mercifully calls to preach the gospel, and then to sustain him in that great work. Let those who feel for unemployed ministers not raise the standard of rebellion against God, nor reject the proffered gifts of the Spirit, nor strive to impede the progress of the church, but devote their energy to enable her to carry into effect the ordinance of Christ, that they who preach the gospel shall live by the gospel. Then, should we have too many ministers, the proper remedy will be the deposition of those who refuse to work, and not arresting the increase of faithful labourers.

ART. VI.-England and America.

No two nations are bound together by so many bonds of sympathy and interest as England and America. England is our mother. That one word is a volume. We might ponder long on its meaning without exhausting its fulness. During the colonial period of our history, ninety-nine hundredths of our population came from Great Britain. And since the establishment of our national independence, the accessions to our numbers from other sources have been in a great measure absorbed and assimilated. Immigrants from the continent of Europe have produced no perceptible difference in our language, laws, or institutions. England has transmitted to us her AngloSaxon life. We are bone of her bone and flesh of her flesh. The English oak has been transplanted to this country and filled the land. What we are, is but the normal development of English life under new conditions. Whether the way in which her children grow up and reveal themselves in lands other than her own, be in accordance with her taste and judg ment or not, they are none the less her children. She is bound to us and we are bound to her by the closest ties of consanguinity. With community of blood is connected community in language, literature, modes of thought, laws, institutions, and religion. We are the two great Protestant powers of the world, doing more than all other nations combined, for what we both regard as the best interests of man and the advancement of the Redeemer's kingdom. This bond of a common faith is even stronger than that of lineage. That those who profess allegiance to the same Lord, who have a common faith and hope, should be enemies, is a greater violence to their normal relationship than contention among brothers. Neither can injure the other, without thereby injuring the cause of Christ. The two nations thus closely united by the bonds of common parentage, of a common intellectual, political, and religious life, have their material interests so involved, that the pros

perity or adversity of the one is inevitably shared by the

other.

We feel free to say, that America has always felt and acted as became her intimate relationship to England. Even in the same family, when widely extended, there will be occasional misunderstandings and collisions, while the family bond remains unbroken; so there have been doubtless on our part many hard feelings and unkind utterances and acts towards our mother country. Nevertheless the national feeling in America, the heart of our people, as a people, has been loyal to our race. We have had a pride in the glories of England as the glories of our own ancestors. We have had respect for the intelligence, the courage, the truthfulness, and honour which belong to the character of Englishmen. We have ever felt that they and we belong to the same household of faith, and that both κατὰ σάρκα and κατὰ πνεῦμα they are our nearest relations on earth. England has never passed through an hour of trial without the sympathy and prayers of the American people. In the long wars which arose out of the French revolution, notwithstanding the still unallayed passions of our war for independence, and our national gratitude to France, and our natural sympathy with a people goaded to madness by centuries of oppression, yet the mass of intelligent and Christian Americans were in heart on the side of England. The same is true as to the Crimean war. And during the terrible rebellion in India, prayer ascended from every American church and every family altar in behalf of our brethren in the faith. When the Prince of Wales recently visited the United States, his journey through the country, although intended to be private, was a protracted ovation. "Welcome to the son of Victoria," was the favourite legend for arches and gateways. There could not be a more unmistakeable evidence of the national feeling than was thus afforded. And now, in the midst of angry excitement, when news reaches our land that England's model mother and queen has suffered the greatest earthly bereavement, the American journals are filled with eulogiums on the character of the late Prince Consort, and with expressions of condolence with the British sovereign and people. We claim, therefore, that the national feeling in America

towards England has always been healthful and right, in harmony with the intimate relationship of the two nations. We have classes of people inimical to Great Britain, and papers, generally edited by Englishmen, or by other foreigners imbued with an anti-Anglican feeling, but the facts to which we have referred, and many others of like import, which might be adduced, prove that as a people we have been loyal to our ancestry and to our race.

Our time of trial has now come. We are engaged in a struggle for our national life, for law, order, and liberty. A rebellion, designed to overthrow our government, for the avowed purpose "of conserving, perpetuating, and extending the system of domestic slavery," has contrived to enlist in its support nearly a third part of the people and resources of the United States. With this rebellion we are now engaged in a deadly conflict. Constitutional, anti-slavery England throws the whole weight of her sympathy in favour of this unrighteous proslavery rebellion. This is an event so unexpected, so contrary to what we had a right to anticipate, that it is only by slow degrees American Christians have yielded to the conviction that such is really the fact. To overwhelming evidence they have at last been forced reluctantly and sorrowfully to submit. We were not surprised that the aristocratic class in England took part against us. The failure of republicanism, as they erroneously regarded it, was in itself to them a matter of gratulation; and the sentiment candidly expressed in public by Sir Lytton Bulwer, was natural, if not honourable. He said that the balance of power between nations required the dissolution of the American Union; that this country under one government, threatened to overshadow Europe and disturb the political equilibrium. Neither were we surprised that the cotton manufacturers took sides with the cotton producers. Human nature is too often blinded and perverted by self-interest to make any new manifestation of its weakness a matter of surprise. The privileged class and the cotton spinners, however, do not constitute England. We had faith in the heart of the people, and especially in the Christian principle of the middle classes. We confidently believed that the mass of the controlling population of Great Britain would prove faithful to their professions, and

true to the great interests of justice and humanity. In this we have been mistaken. The general tone of the public press, the utterances of representative men, and the action of the government and of its officials, are the only indexes of national sentiment to which foreigners have access. We shall rejoice to find that all these deceive us, but their concurrent indications force us to the conclusion, that England has in this great struggle taken the side of lawlessness, of slavery, and of violence, from selfish and dishonourable motives. This is a conclusion to which we have come with much the same reluctance that we should admit the dishonour of a gray-headed father. But how can we resist it?

We know the character of this rebellion. We know that it is unprovoked, that it is made simply in the interests of slavery. We know that it has been brought about by the long continued machinations of able, but unprincipled men; that it has been consummated by acts of the grossest fraud, treachery, and spoliation. We know that it is directed to the overthrow of a just, equal, and beneficent government, and that, in all human probability, its success must be attended by the greatest evils for generations to come. It may be said that our English brethren do not know or believe all this; that they take a very different view of the subject; that they persuade themselves that slavery has nothing to do with this conflict; that it is a mere contention for power, or a struggle between a tariff and anti-tariff party. But why do they so regard it? Romanists refuse to recognise in the German Reformation any religious movement. Luther, Calvin, Latimer, and Cranmer, according to them, were wicked men, governed in their resistance to the church of Rome by the basest motives. They are probably sincere in this conviction, but to Protestants they are not the less inexcusable for taking good for evil, or for siding with the evil against the good. It is for the state of mind which leads to the dominant judgment of the English people in favour of an unjustifiable pro-slavery rebellion, that the Christian world must hold them accountable.

That the prevailing feeling and judgment in England are in favour of this rebellion, is to us painfully evident. The