-Dublin, 4th Dec. 1800, Daniel Delany, Roman Catholic Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin.-Edward Dillon, R. C. Archbishop of Tuam. -Edmond French, Roman Catholic Bishop of Elphin.

Some of the headings of the foregoing Returns.-Average Income of the Roman Catholic Bishop and Clergy of the united Diocese of Down and Connor.—A Return (upon an average) of the yearly emoluments of the Roman Catholic Bishop and Clergy of the united Dioceses of Waterford and Lismore.—Michael Peter M'Mahon, Roman Catholic Bishop of Killaloe, makes the following answers to the queries put by his Majesty's ministers.—Archbishopric of Dublin, Dublin, 29th November, 1800. Parish priests, curates, and other officiating clergy, secular and regular, of the Archdiocese of Dublin, with the averaged ordinary income of each parish priest.—Diocese of Ferns. To the queries proposed by his Majesty's ministers, the Rev. James Caulfield, Roman Catholic Bishop of Ferns, in the ecclesiastical province of Dublin, answers as follows.

Ireland-.The Secular Clergy.

MR. CHARLES BUTLER, A.D. 1830.-For reasons sufficiently recorded in the history of the last century many Roman Catholics have desired to see no clergy in Ireland except the secular clergy.—Notes of Conversations of Public Men.

One of the Irish Roman Catholic Bishops-a Dominican Friar. MR. CHARLES BUTLER, A.D. 1831.-A few years ago one of the Irish Roman Catholic Bishops was a Dominican Friar. The General of his Order, whom of course he was subject to--whom he was bound to obey—was a native of Spain, and a resident in that country. Notes of Conversations of Public Men.

Bishops-Friars-Regular Clergy and Secular Clergy.

MR. CHARLES BUTLER, A.D. 1831.-At Rome objections have often been urged against the nomination of Bishops-Friars. The regular clergy [friars] and the secular clergy are very apt to disagree. -Notes of Conversations of Public Men.

Toleration. It grows naturally out of a Sense of Security. IN a Debate in the House of Lords, May, 1805, the Archbishop of Canterbury [Dr. Manners Sutton] insisted that he was as sincerely attached to the general principles of toleration as any one of their Lordships. He considered it as the brightest ornament and fairest grace of that reformed church which is established in this kingdom: but he could not prevail upon himself to confound toleration with equality, much less with power and eventual superiority. It was not a figure of rhetoric but a plain fact, resting on historical evidence, that toleration is a virtue that grows naturally out of a sense of security, and cannot exist for a moment where danger is apprehended.

The Roman Catholic Religion.

DEBATES in the House of Lords, May, 1805.-The Bishop of St. Asaph [Dr. Horsley]: My Lords; I do not hold that there is anything in the Roman Catholic religion at variance with the principles of loyalty. I impute not disloyalty, far from it, to the Roman Catholics of this kingdom at the present day; I do not believe that any Roman Catholic of this country, at the present day, thinks himself at liberty not to keep faith with heretics, not bound by his oaths to a Protestant Government: I do not believe that he thinks that the Pope can release him from the obligation of his oath of allegiance to his Sovereign.

It is natural for Men to differ in Opinion in Matters above
Sense and Reason.

If one quarter of the people were heterodox, and that whole quarter should by miracle be removed, within a small time one quarter of the remainder would again become heterodox some way or other; it being natural for men to differ in opinion in matters above sense and reason.-Extracts from Old Writers.

Where Heterodoxy has most abounded.

WHERE most endeavours have been used to keep uniformity, there heterodoxy hath most abounded.-Short Notes from Old Writers.

Stamps on Law Proceedings.

IN a Debate on the Stamp Duties Bill, July, 1804, Mr. Sheridan said: If we were told that no man should pursue a suit at law without a license of the expense of five per cent., every one would say, that such a tax would be shocking in any country, but intolerable in this; but he (Mr. Sheridan) saw no difference between such a license and the necessity of using stamps to that amount. If a man could not defend his right without a license, or what amounted to it, this was virtually selling justice. It was a breach of the principle of Magna Charta, nulli vendere justitiam, by which equal justice was to have been secured to the rich and the poor. This was intended to prevent the imposition on those who were not allowed to remove their suits out of the County Court to the King's Court, without paying the Crown for the privilege. The money levied by the Government for these stamps would be exactly similar to that exacted by the Crown in the former instance, and prohibited by Magna Charta. The poorer classes would be entirely excluded from the Court by the vast expenses superadded to the process. It might be contended that it was a good thing to discourage litigation; he allowed it was, but it should not be prevented by extreme expense in the course of justice, which would equally repress the pursuit of right and the spirit of contention.

The Addington Administration and Mr. Pitt.

HOUSE of Commons, March, 1805.—Mr. Sheridan : Mr. Speaker; -What was the promise of the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt)? What my predecessors could not do I will perform. They were unworthy of being trusted. Give me your perfect confidence. They must be hurled from their places as persons of imbecility and total inability. So wretched and imbecile and insignificant were they, that they could not in the estimation of the right hon. gentleman, go on any longer. "Let me come," says the right honourable gentleman. "Clear away all the rubbish: I will come, and set everything to rights." Well, sir, "I" comes: and when "I" comes, what does "I" do? Why "I" does nothing half so good, nor half so vigorous, as the much-abused and stupid ministers that were turned out to make way for him.

PARLIAMENTARY

AND

POLITICAL MISCELLANIES.

No. XVII.

Lord John Russell upon Party.—Extract from the Introduction to Vol. III. of the Bedford Correspondence, published 1846.

ARTY has no doubt its evils; but all the evils of party put

PARTY

together would be scarcely a grain in the balance, when compared to the dissolution of honourable friendships, the pursuit of selfish ends, the want of concert in council, the absence of a settled policy in foreign affairs, the corruption of separate statesmen, the caprices of an intriguing Court, which the extinction of a party connection has brought, and would again bring, upon this country.

Roman Catholic Countries.

IN a Debate in the House of Commons, November, 1753, Sir George Lyttelton [afterwards Lord Lyttelton] said, It is the misfortune of all the Roman Catholic countries, that there the Church and the State, the civil power and the hierarchy, have separate interests, and are continually at variance one with the other. It is our happiness, that here they form but one system. While this harmony lasts, whatever hurts the Church, hurts the State; whatever weakens the credit of the governors of the Church, takes away from the civil power a part of its strength, and shakes the whole constitution.

Irish Roman Catholics. Extract from a Speech in the Irish Privy Council of John, Fourth Duke of Bedford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 1756-1761.

THE Duke of Bedford said, he would fearlessly maintain that if it could be at all consistent with the peace of society, Christianity and

[s]

good policy alike required that the Irish Roman Catholics should be allowed the exercise of their religious duties. It was his settled maxim that persecution for religious principles only added strength to the sect it was intended to destroy. The truth of this must have been felt by Government; which, notwithstanding its rigorous array of penal laws, tacitly connived at the rites of the Catholics, and permitted their observance. But neither had this connivance the desired effect in accomplishing the converse of the maxim: for the impossibility of carrying into execution those rigorous laws, framed in direct contravention of it, had naturally emboldened the Catholics to hold them in contempt; and it was in consequence of this derogation of the majesty of the law, that those swarms of regulars came in, which, if danger were the question, were, for obvious reasons, much more likely to prove dangerous to the Government than a secular Popish clergy. He, therefore, was inclined to say, let another mode be tried, in closer consonance with the principle that persecution is not the proper method of putting a stop to religious prejudices.

From what the Pope could not absolve Roman Catholics, A.D. 1791. IN the Debate in the House of Commons, February, 1791, on Mr. Mitford's Roman Catholic Dissenters' Relief Bill, Mr. Windham took notice of the opinion that had formerly obtained, that a Roman Catholic's taking an oath was of no avail, because the Pope would grant him a dispensation and absolve him from it. He showed the folly and fallacy of this way of thinking, by reminding the House that a Catholic Peer would not take his seat in the House of Lords, when he might do it by taking an oath, but his conscience would not permit him to do it. He also mentioned the variety of occasions on which Catholics were believed on their oaths in other cases, and said, the Pope could grant a dispensation to Roman Catholics; but he could not absolve them from custom, from their feelings and a sense of honour, from the blood rushing to their face, and from blushing and trembling with shame at the idea of taking an oath to establish a vile falsehood.

No Legitimate Power of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but what is

conferred by the Crown.

DEBATE in the House of Lords, May, 1805, on the Irish Roman Catholic Petition.-Bishop of St. Asaph [Dr. Horsley]: My Lords;