was no Government in England? Did the honourable and learned gentleman not think that the allowing of armaments to be fitted out in this country against a foreign power, was a just cause of war? He knew well indeed that, from the exhaustion of Spain, we were perfectly secure from hostility in that quarter. That consideration, however, afforded a complete reply to the taunt that had been thrown out against Ministers, that they allowed themselves to be dictated to by Spain. But it was precisely because Spain was weak-because her resentment could be attended with no practical inconvenience—that they were desirous to discharge the duties of neutrality towards her the more scrupulously. The maxim of "do unto others as you would they should do unto you," was as applicable to politics as to morals. Did the honourable and learned gentleman recollect the celebrated Mémoire Justificatif which was understood to have been drawn up for the government of the day by Mr. Gibbon, previous to the war with France, during our contest with the American colonies ? The language of that document was such, that if it were to appear for the first time at the present moment, it might be considered as the memorial of the Spanish Ambassador, addressed to the Government of this country. In that paper it was stated, that agents from our American colonies had endeavoured to penetrate into and settle in the different states in Europe, but that it was only in France they found an asylum, hopes, and assistance. That the French merchants furnished America, not only with useful and neces sary merchandise, but even with saltpetre, gunpowder, ammunition, arms, and artillery; and loudly declared that they were assured not merely of impunity, but even of the protection and favour of the Ministers of the court of Versailles. "The marks of these facts, which could be considered only as manifest breaches of the faith of treaties,

multiplied continually, and the diligence of the King's Ambassador to communicate his complaints and proofs to the Court of Versailles, did not leave them the shameful and humiliating resource of appearing ignorant of what was carried on and daily repeated in the very heart of the country." If we wished to support the South Americans, because it might be profitable to do so, let us take the manly course adopted by France on the occasion to which he had just alluded; let us fairly come forward and favour the cause of the Spanish insurgents, and let us not think that, because we did not take that manly course, either Spain or any power on earth would believe that the operations now going on in this country were not connived at and encouraged by the Government. It was the doctrine laid down by the English Government itself that was now on its trial. This country was now called upon to say whether it would act on its own asserted principles. Those acts which the bill under the consideration of Parliament tended to repress, were acts which, in the document put forth by England forty years ago, were termed "a manifest breach of the law of nations." He would appeal to the House, whether, having at the period to which he alluded held this language to France with reference to her conduct towards America, we could now, without the grossest indecency, be guilty of such tergiversation as to say, that, although the French were then wrong, we were now right; and that because, forsooth, forty years had elapsed since our declaration, and because we now wished to take a contrary course, on the pretence of strong and ungovernable feeling? Was it possible that we could falsify our own doctrines in so barefaced a manner, and be guilty of such a dishonourable abandonment of principle on the ground of a supposed convenience? Could we with our eyes open suffer such a stain to be put on our national character as

thus to act in direct contradiction to our own recorded opinions? If the King of Spain-be he who or what he might was in any one thing the faithful representative of universal Spain in Europe, it was evidently in the conduct which he observed towards the Spanish colonies. In South American politics, the people of Spain and Ferdinand were identified; and if that monarch should sign and confirm South American independence, he would inevitably lose the affection of his subjects, if he had as many virtues as the honourable and learned gentleman imputed to him crimes. He was not himself disposed-God forbid—to view without emotion the march of liberty throughout the globe, beating down oppression where it for centuries had reared its almost consecrated head; but whilst such were his feelings in a good and virtuous cause, he could not think of endangering our own invaluable advantages, by suffering an exhibition to take place, perhaps in the very metropolis, revolting to the decency of the nation; namely, the array and ostentatious parade in our streets of ignorant and undisciplined individuals, arming to serve against a foreign power. Did he ask Englishmen to assist in rivetting the fetters of South America? No. He only wished them to allow things to take their own course. It was impossible to suppose that affairs there could be restored to the state in which they were before the contest. That was morally impossible. The causes which were in operation must one day or other produce a result, the expression of which he should restrain himself from indulging in. He was, however, most anxious, that neither the House nor the nation should be deceived, either by the show of magnanimity that was displayed in taking up the cause, or by any unfounded notion of the advantage which this country might derive from espousing and forwarding the cause of the Independents. This country saved European Spain: the fact was indelibly re

corded in the page of history; but did Spain believe or acknowledge it? England, by her exertions, might establish the liberties of South America; but would the Independents allow that she had done so? No; all the Brentford armies that could possibly be transported from hence to South America, would be considered but as flies on the wheel; and he would prophecy that those deluded men who flocked to that land of milk and honey, full of the idea of the glory they would achieve, and of the rich harvest they would reap, would soon find that all their mighty expectations were groundless, and would return as much disappointed as the statesman who, in former times, embarked from this country in quest of the El Dorado. By the constitution of the Independent states (if such they might be called) foreigners were declared to be incapable of holding any offices of honour or emolument in South America. That was the first offspring of the deliberations of a people asserting what were called liberal principles; and it might be taken as a fair sample of the pretensions they had to call on the people of other countries for countenance and aid in their career of liberality. The volumes of private correspondence from that country were open to all. Was there one, he would ask, of our countrymen there, possessing any talents, who had not become an object of jealousy and hatred, who had not been exposed to insulting treatment from his rivals, and who, if found refractory, had not been thrown into a dungeon? With a perfect knowledge of these dreadful and melancholy facts, was Government to stand idle, and see these gallant men, deserving a much better fate, hurrying away to experience nothing but hatred, punishment, and degradation? It was a most indispensable duty on the part of Government to apply to Parliament for the means of stopping the progress of the evil. A great trade was at present carrying on between

Jamaica and the adjoining continent. That trade would be placed in jeopardy by the force lately fitted out by Sir Gregor M'Gregor. He undoubtedly thought that ultimately there would be a great and gradually increasing commercial intercourse between this country and South America; but to furnish goods with the one hand, while holding the sword with the other, was likely to promote that trade as little as the happiness of the original natives had been improved by the offer of the bible in the one hand, and the sword in the other. He was not disposed to take advantage of the argument which might be founded on the character of the Insurgent states. Whether an acknowledged or an unacknowledged power, he would maintain towards South America the strictest good faith; he would cultivate her friendship by every fair and legitimate means; but not by recruiting her armies with our soldiers—not by committing a breach of faith towards old Spain. He was convinced that if Parliament now denied to the Executive Government the power of maintaining neutrality, instead of accelerating, they would retard the period of a stable and permanent connection between this country and South America. Ministers did not apply to Parliament for this aid until they had tried without effect all the means which were in their power; if they were not now vested with the requisite authority, if before next summer the country should exhibit the scandalous and disgraceful scene of lawless bands of armed men, raised for foreign service, parading through the streets, let not Ministers be blamed; for they had warned Parliament of the danger, and had called on them to prevent it. Ministers had done their duty in bringing forward the present measure to maintain the neutrality and honour of the country. If their conduct cast a blot on its character (which might easily be asserted, but which he trusted would be difficult of proof); if they