came a war of acquisition, of extension of territory and dominion, and in a manner altogether subversive of the laws and usages of nations, and tending to the aggrandizement of France, to a degree dangerous to the independence and safety of every country in the world.

There is no principle better supported by the doctrines of writers, the practice of nations, and the dictates of right reason, than, this that whenever a nation adopts maxims of conduct tending to the disturbance of the tranquillity and established order of its neighbors, or manifesting a spirit of self-aggrandizement, it is lawful for other nations to combine against it, and by force to control the effects of those maxims and that spirit. The conduct of France in the instances which have been stated, calmly and impartially viewed, was an offence against nations, which naturally made it a common cause among them to check her career.

The pretext of propagating liberty can make no difference. Every nation has a right to carve out its own happiness in its own way, and it is the height of presumption in another to attempt to fashion its political creed.

These acts and proceedings are all prior in time to the last aggressive step of Great Britain, the ordering out of the kingdom the person who was charged with a diplomatic mission to that court from the government of France.

The style and manner of that proceeding rendered it undoubtedly an insult, and if the conduct of France before that time had been unexceptionable, the war declared by France, though offensive in its nature, would have been justifiable in its motive.

With regard to Spain, the war was likewise declared by France, and is consequently offensive on her part. The conduct of the former towards the latter, previous to this event, appears not only to have been moderate, but even timid.

The war on the part of Portugal appears to have been offensive. The result from what has been said is, that the war in which France is engaged is in fact an offensive war on her part against all the Powers with which she is engaged, except one; and in principle, to speak in the most favorable terms for her, is at least a mixed case—a case of mutual aggression.

The inference from this state of things is as plain as it is important. The casus fœderis of the guaranty in the treaty of alli

ance between the United States and France cannot take place, though her West India Islands should be attacked.

The express denomination of this treaty is "Traité d' Alliance eventuelle et defensive"-Treaty of Alliance eventual and defensive.

The second article of the treaty also calls it a "defensive alliance." This, then, constitutes the leading feature, the characteristic quality of the treaty. By this principle every stipulation in it is to be judged.

VI.

PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY.

WHEREAS it appears, that a state of war exists between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United Netherlands, on the one part, and France on the other; and the duty and interest of the United States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers;

I have therefore thought fit by these presents to declare the disposition of the United States to observe the conduct aforesaid towards those powers respectively, and to exhort and warn the citizens of the United States carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever, which may in any manner tend to contravene such disposition.

And I do hereby also make known, that whosoever of the citizens of the United States shall render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture under the law of nations, by committing, aiding, or abetting hostilities against any of the said powers, or by carrying to any of them those articles, which are deemed contraband by the modern usage of nations, will not receive the protection of the United States against such punishment or forfeiture; and further, that I have given instructions to those officers, to whom it belongs, to cause prosecutions to be instituted against all persons, who shall within the cognizance of the courts of the United States violate the law of nations with respect to the powers at war, or any of them.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 22d day of April, 1793, and of the independence of the United States of America the seventeenth.

VII. GENET TO JEFFERSON.

The Citizen Genet, Minister Plenipotentiary of the French republic, to Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State of the United States of America. PHILADELPHIA, May 22, 1793, 2d year of the French republic.

SIR:

The executive council of the French republic has learnt through my predecessor, the citizen Ternant, the readiness with which the Government of the United States of America attended to the facilitation of the purchases which that minister was charged to make in the United States, on account of the French republic; as also the acquittal of the draughts of the colonies for which imperious circumstances obliged it to provide. The executive council, sir, has charged me to express to the American Government, the acknowledgment inspired by all the marks of friendship which it has given on this subject to the French nation; and to prove to it the reciprocity of our sentiments, it has determined to give at once a great movement to the commerce of France with America, in drawing henceforth from the United States the greatest part of the subsistence and stores necessary for the armies, fleets, and colonies, of the French republic.

The executive council has intrusted me with the direction of these great and useful operations, and has given me particular powers comprehended in the reports, and in the resolutions now enclosed, in virtue of which I am authorized by the council and by the national treasury of France, to employ the sums of which the United States can effect the payment, (towards their debt to France) or those which I can procure on my personal draughts, payable by the national treasury, in purchasing provisions, naval stores, and in fulfilling other particular services, conformably to the orders which have been given to me by the ministers of the interior, of war, of the marine, and of foreign affairs.

The Government of the United States is too enlightened, not to perceive the immense advantages which will result from this measure to the people of America, and I cannot doubt that, knowing the difficulties which different circumstances might oppose at this moment to the execution of the pressing commissions which have been given to me, if it should not facilitate to us still the receipt of new sums by anticipation, it will find in its wisdom, and in the reports now enclosed, of the minister of the public contributions of France, measures proper to answer our views, and to satisfy our wants.

It does not belong to me to judge, if the President of the United States is invested with powers sufficient to accede to our request, without the concurrence of the Legislative body; but I will permit myself to observe to you, sir, that the last anticipated payments which took place, prove it, and that this question appears equally decided by the act of Congress, which authorizes the Executive power not to change the order of the reimbursements of the foreign debt of the United States, unless it shall find therein an evident advan

tage. Now, what advantage more sensible can we offer to you, than that of discharging your debt to us with your own productions, without exporting your cash, without recurring to operations-the burdensome operations of bankers? It is furnishing you, at the same time, with the means of paying your debts, and enriching your citizens; in short, it is to raise the value of your productions, and consequently of your lands, in establishing a necessary competition between us and a nation which has, in a measure, reserved with a great deal of art and of sacrifices, the monopoly of your own productions. It is time, sir, that this commercial revolution, which I consider as the completion of your immortal political Revolution, should accomplish itself in a solid manner; and France appears to me to be the only Power which can operate this incalculable good. She desires it ardently. The wise arrangements, of which I have now given you an account, are the proof of it. It remains then with your Government to second the views which are suggested to us by our constant friendship for our brethren the Americans, and by the desire we have to strengthen the bonds which unite us to them. It will be a pleasing duty to me, sir, to conform myself, in the administration which is confided to me, to these sentiments of the French nation, for all the United States; and in order that every one of them may participate in the extensions of our commercial relations, I will take care to distribute my purchases among the different States of the Union, as much as the natural productions of their soil and the nature of their commerce will permit. I will neglect no means, moreover, in order that the modes of purchase prescribed to me, may enable, not only the American and French merchants, but also the land holders and farmers, to take advantage of the benefits which may result from our purchases.

GENET.

AMERICAN DEBT.

Citizen Genet, minister of the French republic to the United States of America, has been charged by the provisory executive council to solicit the American Government for the payment of the sums remaining due to France by the said States, though all the terms stipulated for the reimbursement have not yet expired.

The provisory executive council were led to this resolution.

1. By the extensive wants of the republic, as well in subsistence for interior consumption, as for warlike stores and provisions required for the army by sea and land.

2. From the convenience with which a part of these stores and provisions may be purchased in the different markets of the United States.

3. From the advantage which the republic would find in making these purchases in, and with the moneys arising from, the American debt. 4. In fine, from the consideration that the United States might find it convenient to anticipate the reimbursements of the moneys due

to France, when they were to be employed within themselves in purchasing the productions of their soil.

In consequence, the citizen Genet has concerted with the ministers of the interior, of war, of the marine, and of foreign affairs, in order to obtain a statement of the expenses of their several departments. According to this, the funds to be disposed of by citizen Genet, will amount to about seventeen millions of livres tournois, a sum not equal to the whole of the balance due by the United States to France. But here two questions arise with citizen Genet

1st. How to arrange the matter so as that this sum shall be properly accounted for in the national treasury, through which it ought to pass?

And supposing, secondly, That the purchases of warlike stores and provisions are indispensable, and ought to be made and expedited to France with celerity, the minister Genet desires to know how the money can be replaced, in case the American Government should refuse to anticipate the reimbursements?

OBSERVATIONS..

1st. On the consistency. Supposing that the United States should consent to anticipate their reimbursements; they may do so in two ways.

By sonantes,* or bank notes for the same term;

Or by State securities on interest, and reimbursable on a given term. The first of these is accompanied with no difficulty. The minister Genet will furnish his assignments or notes on the treasury of the American Government, for the warlike stores and provisions, and other pressing wants, for expenses relative to the support of consuls; for extraordinary and secret purposes of embassy; and for victualing and refitting vessels. These notes will be stamped by the department of the ministry, upon the compatibility of whom they will have been furnished; the American treasury will return them into the French treasury, in payment of the debt of the United States, when they will be passed to the credit of the said States; and to the debit of each department of the ministry whence they issued, or whose stamp they bear, as a part of the sums allowed by the National Convention to each for their expenses.

The method, in the second place, should be the same, because the minister Genet will not accept State securities of the American Government, unless he can make use of them as ready money, of which he is to assure himself before the conclusion of any transaction on either side.

Then the receipts which the minister Genet will furnish the American Government, with the stamp of the department for which their values shall have been employed, shall have the same effect with regard to this Government and the French treasury, as if their value had been paid in specie.

*Bills of exchange.