be considered separate: to consider them together required not only great judgment and great power, but temper too, leaving it to them to judge how very imprudent the present moment was chosen, when, on the one hand, they saw how far the prejudices about the stamp act still prevailed, and on the other, an assembly imprudent enough to hesitate about obeying an act of parliament in its full extent, after the tenderness which had been shown America; not to mention their manner of sending it over. The merchants and the Americans here seem sensible of its being the height of imprudence, and are sorry; but your Lordship may easily conceive it has occasioned a number of reports, and is likely, in the talk of the town, to undergo the imputation of rebellion, and will probably be mentioned as such by Mr. Grenville in the House of Commons without seeing it.

I am ashamed to submit to your Lordship for your judgment so many difficulties, and should be very sorry, if I was not sure, let the gout but go, that it will dispel them all. I do not mention it as my own opinion only, but, by all I hear, it is that of the public. Your Lordship may conceive that if there are difficulties about great points, there are some about others. However, the navy is happily agreed to, as Sir Edward Hawke wishes; and for the rest, it is better, perhaps, Mr. Townshend should accuse the cabinet of extravagance, the great points being secured, than run a risk of any division in its present very weak state.

I have little to trouble your Lordship with, in relation to foreign affairs. As nothing presses in regard to them, I forbear troubling you with the papers till something does, or till I have the honour to see you in town. Both France and Spain stand still for the present by mutual agreement; but the reason for it does not appear by any of our intelligence.

I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship's

Most faithful and obliged servant,

I HAVE kept the messenger till this evening, in order to consider more fully the weighty matters which your very obliging letter contains, and for which I beg to return your Lordship my best thanks.

America affords a gloomy prospect. A spirit of infatuation has taken possession of New York: their disobedience to the mutiny act will justly create a great ferment here, open a fair field to the arraigners of America, and leave no room to any to say a word in their defence. I foresee confusion will ensue. The petition of the merchants of New York is highly improper in point of time, most absurd;

in the extent of their pretensions, most excessive; and in the reasoning, most grossly fallacious and offensive. What demon of discord blows the coals in that devoted province I know not; but they are doing the work of their worst enemies themselves. The torrent of indignation in parliament will, I apprehend, become irresistible, and they will draw upon their heads national resentment by their ingratitude, and ruin, I fear upon the whole state, by the consequences. But I will not run before the event, as it is possible your Lordship may receive an account more favourable.

I shift the unpleasing scene from the west to the east; which, though not so bad, is not over flattering. My letter by the post will have apprised your Lordship of my thoughts concerning the present period of East India inquiry. I remain fully persuaded that Mr. Townshend's declaration in the House, with regard to an expected proposal, must necessarily suspend all operations for a competent time, till the proposal shall be produced or be formally disavowed. In the mean time, it is not to be permitted to suppose such levity and indiscretion in man, as to doubt of the grounds of such a declaration. A proposal, therefore, I take for granted, will come; and when it shall be before the House, the ways to ulterior and final proceedings upon this transcendent object, will open themselves naturally and obviously enough, and acquire double force and propriety.

I am much obliged to your Lordship for the paper of Mr. Sullivan. It contains, as whatever

comes from that gentleman always does, very considerable lights. I wish, however, to decline totally venturing beyond my depth in point of knowledge, and far beyond my purpose in point of detail and specification of particular projects of treaty. I will only say, I think the project very liberal to the Company and to the proprietors, and also take notice that there is no restriction upon the application and use of the portion of revenue supposed to be indulged to the Company; an omission of the utmost consequence and danger.

As I rather gain ground, I do not despair of having the pleasure of embracing your Lordship about the 14th, and exchanging more at large our thoughts upon the most entangled and clouded situation of business in which a great state ever saw itself. Whether these clouds will pass away or not is to me very problematical. The appearances are not favourable: one thing is still always clear; that in pursuing steadily one's duty one cannot lose one's way. Your Lordship's attention, with regard to the secretary of embassy to Spain, is most obliging, and I cannot enough express my thanks for your goodness. When I come to town, I hope you will give me leave to speak to you about it. I am, with truest respect and attachment, my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's most obedient

and faithful servant,

CHATHAM.

THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO THE EARL OF

MY LORD,

CHATHAM.

Hill Street, Friday night, past 11. [February 6, 1767.]

SINCE I had the honour of your Lordship's letter by Lambe, the inclosed advices have been received from America. The merchants here unanimously disavow the New York petition, and say that a Mr. Kelly has been the demon who has kindled this fire, and who is the sole author of it. Their letters, however, confirm Sir Henry Moore's account of the disposition of the people in regard to the mutiny act, and explain it to be owing to their jealousy of being some time or other taxed internally by the parliament of Great Britain. The same reasoning has prevailed, your Lordship sees, in New Jersey: in Massachusets Bay there has been no question as to troops, but they have sent over a bill, in which they have joined the indemnification of the sufferers to the general indemnity in consequence of the riots; a circumstance Mr. Grenville thinks requires the notice of the House of Commons; where it is said he means to take it up personally against Mr. Conway, on account of an expression in his letter of "forget and forgive." The act asserting the right of parliament has certainly spread a most unfortunate jealousy and diffidence of government here throughout America, and makes them jealous of the least distinction