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informed of the contents of the paper, that they should not interpret my doing it even to my personal avowal of the admissibility of their proposal. Mr. Dudley then said, that there being somewhat declaratory of their opinion in regard to the right of those acquisitions, he was ordered to say that it was expected that no use would be made of their opinions against themselves, in case their ideas should be totally rejected; as such was the opinion of them as individuals, and on which their constituents had not authorised them to decide. My answer was, that I should not fail mentioning this request of theirs when I opened their scheme to his Majesty's servants; and that I would be frank enough to deliver it as my opinion that a confidential avowal of the way of thinking of individuals ought not to be turned against them; but that I would be answerable for no one but myself, who, if they told me their opinion in confidence, would look upon myself as obliged not to declare that I received it from them. But to this I added that, if called upon in parliament as a servant of the public, I did not see how it could be avoided. To which Mr. Rous observed, that they were directed to say this, but that he saw that, in the case I mentioned, it was unavoidable.

I will not make any remarks on the contents of the paper, though I think there are many objectionable parts: the length of the term and the want of direct application of the Company's money, I think are capital ones. Your Lordship will observe, that

the idea of blending the profits of the revenues, &c. and that arising from their trade, and dividing them with the public, are new; at least they are so to me. Lord Northington, to whom, and to whom alone, I have had an opportunity of communicating the paper as yet, agreed perfectly with me that your Lordship should have a copy of it sent to you, and that I should not lay it before the cabinet till your Lordship comes to town. Though not in direct words, I think I could gather from the directors, that they might go farther. I shall think it incumbent on me to lay it to-morrow before the King. That I may soon have the honour of seeing your Lordship, and well recovered, is the sincere wish of him who is, with the most perfect respect,

Your Lordship's most truly devoted,
GRAFTON.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO THE EARL OF CHATHAM.

MY LORD,

St. James's Square, February 9, 1767.

I was yesterday in the closet, and showed his Majesty the letter I had the honour of receiving from your Lordship. Great satisfaction was the consequence of seeing that the 14th was the day fixed for your arrival in town. The latter part of the letter was read over twice, with great attention, and then the comment that was made was," Lord Chatham has great firmness, and is not to be diverted

from doing what is right: he has perseverance, and I am persuaded all will go well." The King then condescended to talk to me a great deal about America, and the East India affairs; but as your Lordship will so soon hear the whole from the fountain-head, I will not take up your time at present with relating what passed. I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. &c.

BRISTOL.

THE EARL OF CHATHAM TO THE DUKE OF GRAFTON,

[From the original draught in Lady Chatham's handwriting.]

[February 9, 1767.]

MY LORD, As to the transcendent object, East India affairs, my last letter to your Grace, as well as two I wrote to Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, sufficiently show how very unpromising I think that matter is. Allow me, my dear Lord, to say, that it is not my absence which affects this affair, but an unfortunate original difference of opinion among the King's servants, which at the outset, by enervating the principle of the parliamentary inquiry, totally contrary to my notions, shook the foundation of this great transaction, and has, in my opinion, thrown it into confusion inextricable.

The consideration of the Company's right to this enormous revenue is the source from which the whole transaction must flow, and the hinge upon

which must turn the very essence of the question; namely, whether the Company is to receive, on this head, indulgence and benefit from the public, or whether they are to impart some to the public. This right must be admitted, or tried, before any just rule can be laid down whereby to judge if the proposal to be made be adequate. The aim of the Company seems to be to give the change, and by making an inadmissible proposal, to reduce the King's servants to the necessity of making demands upon the Company, with regard to the revenues in India, instead of receiving from them applications to supply a want of title; and to indulge them with a princely establishment, civil and military, over and above all the very beneficial extensions, in point of trade, which the commercial policy of their charter and the wisdom of their institution suggest. If this be the project of the negotiation, I know one of the King's servants who will never give into such a snare. In this case, parliament must finally decide, and fix the public lot.

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As for the reviving hopes of particular factions, I confess they but little engage my thoughts. My whole mind is bent on acquiring such a resource as must give strength, ease, and lustre to the King's reign. If this fails, it will not be by the force of Factions from without, but from a certain infelicity, I believe incurable, which ferments and nourishes division within the councils of his Majesty's servants. Nothing, I am persuaded, my dear Lord, ever was or will be wanting on your Grace's part, for the

King's service and for the public good; but, with all this, things, I see, are to continue disjointed. I am, &c. &c.

CHATHAM.

WILLIAM BECKFORD, ESQ. TO THE EARL OF

CHATHAM.

MY DEAR LORD,

Soho Square, February 12, 1767.

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It is scarcely possible to conceive the real anxiety of mind I feel at your absence. I should have written an answer to your former letter, had I not flattered myself with the hopes of hearing of your arrival this evening or on the morrow. report now prevails, that a new access of the gout in your knee will prevent your return to town this week. I most sincerely condole with my country on the occasion, and think it necessary to trouble you with a few lines.

I moved, according to your advice, to postpone the consideration of East Indian affairs for fourteen days, in a very full house, and gave my reasons; which, to my great surprise, were consented to without a word of contradiction. After the House was up, Mr. Bourke and others declared they fully intended to have brought on a debate. It seems to be the desire of most members to have the papers printed; but I will not move a step without your approbation.

Charles Townshend talks much of the propo

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