The vote of supply for the American extraordinaries was then considered; when Mr. Townshend declared, that if the reduction of them was not determined before the closing of the committee of supply, by drawing the troops nearer the great towns, laying the Indian charges upon the provinces, and by laying a tax on the American ports, he would not remain chancellor of the exchequer. His behaviour, on the whole, was such as no cabinet will, I am confident, ever submit to.

If your Lordship could see Sir Fletcher Norton for a few minutes, I have great reason to think you might quite fix him. The complaint from every quarter of want of communication is so very general, that I own to your Lordship I am distressed how to answer so just a ground of dissatisfaction, which I find from the idea of government proceeding without any settled plan.

THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO THE EARL OF
CHATHAM.

MY LORD,

Friday morning, March 13, 1767.

As the Duke of Grafton said he intended going to your Lordship this morning, I take it for granted he will inform you of what passed at the meeting last night particularly. The third proposition was in general agreed to by the King's servants, except by General Conway, who declared he could not give

a decisive opinion until he had further time to consider of it.

Mr. Townshend then mentioned the extraordinaries of America, and the necessity of voting a particular sum; which he said he neither could nor would move, unless the cabinet previously took the whole state of America into consideration, and enabled him to declare to the House the opinion of administration as to the forts, the Indian trade, the disposition of the troops, in short the whole arrangements, considered with a view to a general reduction of

expense, and a duty which he undertook should be laid to defray what remained: that he had promised this to the House, and upon the authority of what passed in the cabinet; and if he could not make it good, he should be obliged to consider the best means, by what he should say or by his conduct, to make it appear that it was not his fault, and against his opinion. (1)

(1) It is impossible to read this letter without being forcibly reminded of the following splendid passages in Mr. Burke's celebrated speech, in 1774, on American taxation : "If ever Lord Chatham fell into a fit of the gout, or if any other cause withdrew him from public cares, principles directly the contrary of his own were sure to predominate. When his face was hid but for a moment, his whole system was on a wide sea, without chart or compass. The gentlemen, his particular friends, who, with the names of various departments of ministry, were admitted to seem as if they acted a part under him, with a modesty that becomes all men, and with a confidence in him, which was justified even in its extravagance by his superior abilities, had never, in any instance, presumed upon any opinion of their own. Deprived of his guiding influence, they were whirled about, the sport of every gust, and easily driven into

I acquainted your Lordship of this the last time I had the honour of waiting on you from Lord

any port; and as those who joined with them in manning the vessel were the most directly opposite to his opinions, measures, and character, and far the most artful and most powerful of the set, they easily prevailed so as to seize upon the vacant, unoccupied, and derelict minds of his friends; and instantly they turned the vessel wholly out of the course of his policy. As if it were to insult as well as to betray him, even long before the close of the first session of his administration, when every thing was publicly transacted, and with great parade, in his name, they made an act declaring it highly just and expedient to raise a revenue in America. For even then, Sir, even before this splendid orb was entirely set, and while the western horizon was in a blaze with his descending glory, on the opposite quarter of the heavens arose another luminary, and, for his hour, became lord of the ascendant. You understand, to be sure, that I speak of Charles Townshend, officially the reproducer of this fatal scheme." * "He had voted, and in the year 1765, had been an advocate for the stamp act. Things, and the disposition of men's minds were changed. In short, the stamp act began to be no favourite in this House. He, therefore, attended at the private meeting, in which the resolutions moved by a right honourable gentleman were settled; resolutions leading to the repeal. The next day, he voted for that repeal; and he would have spoken for it too, if an illness (not, as was then given out, a political), but, to my knowledge, a very real illness, had not prevented it. The very next session, as the fashion of this world passeth away, the repeal began to be in as bad an odour in this House as the stamp act had been in the session before. conform to the temper which began to prevail, and to prevail mostly amongst those most in power, he declared, very early in the winter, that a revenue must be had out of America. Instantly he was tied down to his engagements by some who had no objection to such experiments, when made at the cost of persons for whom they had no particular regard. The whole body of courtiers drove him onwards. They always talked as if the King stood in a sort of humiliated state, until something of the kind should be done. Here this extraordinary man, then chan

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Barrington; the difficulty greatly arising from several conjectural estimates being laid by him before the House. I was surprised at Mr. Townshend's conduct, which really continues excessive on every occasion, till I afterwards understood in conversation, that he declared he knew of Lord North's refusal, and from himself. The Duke of Grafton told me, and I suppose may tell your Lordship, that he sent to Lord North to ask him. It appears to me quite impossible that Mr. Townshend can mean to go on in the King's service; but of this your Lordship will

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cellor of the exchequer, found himself in great straits. please universally was the object of his life; but to tax and to please, no more than to love and to be wise, is not given to men. However, he attempted it. To render tax palateable to the partisans of American revenue, he made a preamble, stating the necessity of such a revenue. To close with the American distinction, this revenue was external, or port duty; but again, to soften it to the other party, it was a duty of supply. To gratify the colonists, it was laid on British manufactures; to satisfy the merchants of Britain, the duty was trivial, and (except that on tea, which touched only the devoted East India Company) on none of the grand objects of commerce. To counterwork the American contraband, the duty on tea was reduced from a shilling to three-pence. But to secure the favour of those who would tax America, the scene of collection was changed, and, with the rest, it was levied in the colonies. What need I say more? This fine-spun scheme had the usual fate of all exquisite policy. But the original plan of the duties, and the mode of executing that plan, both arose singly and solely from a love of our applause. He was truly the child of the House. He never thought, did, or said any thing, but with a view to you. He every day adapted himself to your disposition; and adjusted himself before it as at a looking-glass. Hence arose this unfortunate act."

judge much better than I can, after the Duke of Grafton has given you a farther account.

the honour to be, with great respect,

Your Lordship's most obliged

I have

humble servant,

SHELBURNE.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO THE EARL OF CHATHAM.

St. James's Square, half an hour after three,

MY LORD,

March 19, 1767.

I TAKE the liberty of acquainting your Lordship, that the House was up about three. The Duke of Beaufort (1) moved the address with great dignity and propriety, without being more embarrassed than was right for a new speaker. Earl Temple got up directly, and though he professed his readiness to concur in a provision for the three royal dukes, yet he acquainted us that he reserved himself, when the bill came in, to give his opinion in relation to the mode, and flung out that the provision should come wholly out of the civil list, and meant only that a power should be given to the Crown to charge

(1) Henry, fifth duke of Beaufort. His grace had married, in the preceding year, Elizabeth, youngest daughter of Admiral Boscawen. In 1768, he was appointed master of the horse, and in 1786 was elected knight of the garter. He died in 1803. The address above referred to was in answer to a message from the King concerning a provision for his Majesty's brothers, the Dukes of York, Gloucester, and Cumberland.