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I shall have the honour of writing to your Ladyship again this evening after I have been at

particular, I have every personal respect and regard. I never desire to understand him but as he wishes to be understood. His Grace, I think, has laid much stress upon the diligence of the several public officers, and the assistance given them by the administration, in preparing a state of the expenses of his Majesty's civil government, for the information of parliament, and for the satisfaction of the public. He has given us a number of plausible reasons for their not having yet been able to finish the account; but, as far as I am able to recollect, he has not yet given us the smallest reason to hope, that it ever will be finished; or that it ever will be laid before parliament.

"My Lords, I am not unpractised in business. and if, with with all that apparent diligence, and all that assistance which the noble Duke speaks of, the accounts in question have not yet been made up, I am convinced there must be a defect in some of the public offices, which ought to be strictly inquired into, and severely punished. But, my Lords, the waste of the public money is not of itself so important as the pernicious purpose to which we have reason to suspect that money has been applied. For some years past, there has been an influx of wealth into this country, which has been attended with many fatal consequences, because it has not been the regular, natural produce of labour and industry. The riches of Asia have been poured in upon us, and have brought with them not only Asiatic luxury, but, I fear, Asiatic principles of government. Without connections, without any natural interest in the soil, the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into parliament, by such a torrent of private corruption, as no private hereditary fortune could resist. My Lords, not saying but what is within the knowledge of us all, the corruption of the people is the great original cause of the discontents of the people themselves, of the enterprise of the crown, and the notorious decay of the internal vigour of the constitution. For this great evil some immediate remedy must be provided; and I confess, my Lords, I did hope, that his Majesty's servants would not have suffered so many years of peace to elapse, without paying some attention to an object, which ought to engage and interest us all. I flattered myself I should see some barriers thrown up in defence of the constitution*, some impediment formed to stop the rapid progress of corruption. I doubt not we all agree that something must be done. I shall offer my thoughts, such as they are, to the consideration of the House; and I wish that every noble lord who hears me would be as ready as I am to contribute his

"It assuredly will be the only support of every barrier raised in defence of the constitution.”—Junius, i. 284.

the House of Lords, and of informing Lord Chatham to what day next week the business is deferred. I

opinion to this important service. I will not call my own sentiments crude and indigested; it would be unfit for me to offer any thing to your Lordships, which I had not well considered; and this subject, I own, has long occupied my thoughts. I will now give them to your Lordships without reserve.

"Whoever understands the theory of the English constitution, and will compare it with the fact, must see at once how widely they differ. We must reconcile them to each other, if we wish to save the liberties of this country; we must reduce our political practice, as nearly as possible, to our principles. The constitution intended that there should be a permanent relation between the constituent and representative body of the people. Will any man affirm, that, as the House of Commons is now formed, that relation is in any degree preserved ? My Lords, it is not preserved, it is destroyed. Let us be cautious, however, how we have recourse to violent expedients.

"The boroughs of this country have properly enough been called the rotten parts of the constitution. I have lived in Cornwall, and without entering into any invidious particularity, have seen enough to justify the appellation. But in my judgment, my Lords, these boroughs, corrupt as they are, must be considered as the natural infirmity of the constitution. Like the infirmities of the body, we must bear them with patience, and submit to carry them about with us. The limb is mortified, but the amputation might be death.*

"Let us try, my Lords, whether some gentler remedies may not be discovered. Since we cannot cure the disorder, let us endeavour to infuse such a portion of new health into the constitution, as may enable it to support its most inveterate diseases.†

"The representation of the counties is, I think, still preserved pure and uncorrupted. That of the greatest cities is upon a footing equally respectable; and there are many of the larger trading towns, which

* As to cutting away the rotten boroughs, I am as much offended as any man at seeing so many of them under the direct influence of the crown; yet I own I have both doubts and apprehensions in regard to the remedy you propose. I confess to you I am startled at the idea of so extensive an amputation."" When you propose to cut away the rotten parts, can you tell what parts are perfectly sound — at what point the mortification ends ?”—Junius, 287.289.

"Besides that I approve highly of Lord Chatham's idea of infusing a portion of new health into the constitution, to enable it to bear its infirmities (a brilliant expression, and full of intrinsic wisdom), other reasons concur in persuading me to adopt it.”—Ibid. i. 290.

have the honour to be, with great respect, your Ladyship's most obedient and

Most humble servant,

ROCKINGHAM.

still preserve their independence. The infusion of health which I now allude to, would be to permit every county to elect one member more in addition to their present representation. The knights of the shires approach nearest to the constitutional representation of the country, because they represent the soil. It is not in the little dependent boroughs, it is in the great cities and counties that the strength and vigour of the constitution resides, and by them alone, if an unhappy question should ever rise, will the constitution be honestly and firmly defended. It would increase that strength, because I think it is the only security we have against the profligacy of the times, the corruption of the people, and the ambition of the crown.

"I think I have weighed every possible objection that can be raised against a plan of this nature; and I confess I see but one, which, to me, carries any appearances of solidity. It may be said, perhaps, that when the act passed for uniting the two kingdoms, the number of persons who were to represent the whole nation in parliament was proportioned and fixed on for ever; that this limitation is a fundamental article, and cannot be altered without hazarding a dissolution of the Union.

"My Lords, no man who hears me can have a greater reverence for that wise and important act, than I have. I revere the memory of that great prince who first formed the plan, and of those illustrious patriots who carried it into execution. As a contract, every article of it should be inviolable; as the common basis of the strength and happines of two nations, every article of it should be sacred.† I hope I cannot be suspected of conceiving a thought so detestable, as to propose an advantage to one of the contracting parties at the expense of the other. No, my Lords, I mean that the benefit should be universal, and the consent to receive it unanimous. Nothing less than a most urgent and important occasion should persuade me to vary even from the letter of the act; but there is no occasion, however urgent, however important, that should ever induce me to depart from the spirit of it. Let that spirit be religiously preserved. Let us follow the principle upon which the representation of the two countries was proportioned at the Union;

* "Lord Chatham's project of increasing the number of knights of the shire appears to me admirable."— Junius, i. 287.

t" "I am far from meaning to impeach the articles of the union."—Ibid. i. 380.

THE MARQUIS OF ROCKINGHAM TO THE COUNTESS OF CHATHAM.

MADAM,

Grosvenor Square, Wednesday evening, near 8 o'clock, January 24, 1770.

MAY I beg of your Ladyship to communicate to Lord Chatham what has passed in the House of Lords to-day. From my own state of health, and from the agitation of my mind occasioned by

and when we increase the number of representatives for the English counties, let the shires of Scotland be allowed an equal privilege. On these terms, and while the proportion limited by the Union is preserved by the two nations, I apprehend that no man who is a friend to either will object to an alteration so necessary for the security of both. I do not speak of the authority of the legislature to carry such a measure into effect, because I imagine no man will dispute it. But I would not wish the legislature to interpose by an exertion of its power alone, without the cheerful concurrence of all parties. My object is the happiness and security of the two nations, and I would not wish to obtain it without their mutual consent.

"My Lords, besides my warm approbation of the motion made by the noble Lord, I have a natural and personal pleasure in rising up to second it. I consider my seconding his Lordship's motion, and I would wish it to be considered by others, as a public demonstration of that cordial union, which, I am happy to affirm, subsists between us - of my attachment to those principles which he has so well defended, and of my respect for his person. There has been a time, my Lords, when those who wished well to neither of us, who wished to see us separated for ever, found a sufficient gratification for their malignity against us both. But that time is happily at an end. The friends of this country will, I doubt not, hear with pleasure, that the noble Lord and his friends are now united with me and mine, upon a principle which, I trust, will make our union indissoluble. It is not to possess, or divide, the emoluments of government; but, if possible, to save the state. Upon this ground we met — upon this ground we stand, firm and inseparable. No ministerial artifices, no private offers, no secret seduction can divide

a late event (1), I was exceedingly doubtful whether I should have been able to have proceeded tomorrow; but, indeed, upon your Ladyship's letter last night, which informed me that so very essential a support as Lord Chatham's presence would be wanting, I was determined in my own mind to try to put off the day.

When I moved the adjournment from to-morrow till Friday the 2d of February, I moved it upon the two grounds of my own feelings, &c. which had prevented my being even tolerably prepared for so great a question, and upon the other ground of the great loss it might be to the public, that upon so important a question Lord Chatham, with whom I had every reason to imagine my opinions coincided, could not be there.

The reason of naming Friday instead of Thursday is in order to give more time for preparing a protest after the debate. Lord Chatham will see at once the management in that matter, and I think will approve it. Though we had no division, as none objected to put off the day, yet we had a kind

us. United as we are, we can set the profoundest policy of the present ministry, their grand, their only arcanum of government, their divide et impera, at defiance. I hope an early day will be agreed to for considering the state of the nation. My infirmities must fall heavily upon me indeed, if I do not attend my duty that day. When I consider my age, and unhappy state of health, I feel how little I am personally interested in the event of any political question: but I look forward to to others, and am determined, as far as my poor ability extends, to convey to those who come after me the blessings which I cannot long hope to enjoy myself. "

(1) The death of Mr. Charles Yorke. See p. 391.

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