for reform, amongst us. cess and ridiculous exaggeration of this feeling, which is often observable, but it has an existence where it is not so exaggerated, and from the very fact that the extreme view is carried so far, it is natural to suppose that there is some sufficient cause, which fosters its growth; and when men refuse to receive even the good of the past, we must suspect that they have found so much bad in it, as to disgust them with it altogether.

Allusion has been made to the ex

There are in fact many views in which Society may be looked at, which make us sigh for the present, and shudder for the future, which are enough to set us seeking, with all our powers, how we can remodel and reform. If we view our National situation, politically, we see an excessive taxation, a diminishing commerce, an impoverished and complaining people; if we view it morally, we see ignorance and degradation rampant among the masses, vice and debauchery frequent among the higher ranks; we find wealth too often careless or selfish, poverty discontented and envious. No wonder then, that every one who loves his race, looks eagerly round to discover how things can be improved; no wonder that the cry for a change rises strongly, and sometimes fiercely, from those who suffer the most, and that each man, when he thinks he has found a means of amelioration, clings foudly to his fancied remedy, and pleads earnestly for its adoption to the exclusion of all others.

These proposed remedies may be divided into three classes: the political, the social, and the religious.

The first of these has lately attracted the most attention, from its having been warmly espoused by great numbers of the people, and also from the adoption of it, having been in many instances, united with offences against the laws, both open and overt. The principle on which the advocates of this species of reform proceed, is this: the evils under which we labour are the fruit entirely of bad legislation, of laws passed for selfish purposes, or with a mistaken purpose; the way to remedy the evil is to alter the course of legislation, and the best mode of doing this is to change the constitution of the country, so as to entrust the power of enacting laws to the representatives, not of property, but of population, in fact to adopt the broadest principles of democracy.

Now we must all acknowledge the reality of the evils complained of by the advocates of political reform, and must deplore the hardships and discouragements to which the poorer

portion of our population are exposed, Every feeling heart bleeds for them, every Christian spirit longs to solve the great problem, as to how they are to be relieved; but there are, at the same time, many of those who are among the best friends of their race, who hesitate about adopting the principles of which we are speaking, and who feel, that, even allowing that the present evils are the fruit of unwise legislation only, and that the classes, with whom have mainly rested the power and duty of forming laws, have not employed the power with uniform ability, or discharged the duty with unblemished honesty, yet it would be no remedy for this to transfer the power to a class, whose education is much inferior, whose morality is not purer, and who have shown, in many instances, a peculiar liability to be deceived and misled, by crafty and interested demagogues.

Whatever we may think of the question in debate, and the respective arguments of the two parties, recent events must convince every one, that there is little probability of any speedy and fundamental political change. And further, it is very doubtful, whether legislation alone, can, in the long run, effect a people's welfare. If we remember that all classes are so connected, that what is really good for one, cannot be bad for another, and that it would be no true amelioration, to cause a mere reversal of the present order of things, to take the property from those who have, and give it to those who have not, to make those who are now starving, opulent, and to reduce those who are now rich, to starvation; we shall perceive that it is not easy to point out any enactment, which would work the mighty improvement which we want. Where a people is really civilized, and distinguished by a good general morality, no bad laws can neutralize the good effects of these things; they may, for a time, lessen its happiness, they cannot make it miserable. And, in our present situation, what can political changes effect? They cannot regulate the price of labour; they cannot remove bad feeling, and create sympathy between class and class; they cannot give birth to habits of self-command, prudence, and foresight. By over-interference with industry and commerce, laws may do harm; by too minute a regulation of social relations, they may cramp individual effort; but no experience which we have had, and no theory which we can construct, will lead us to believe, that to political reform alone, or chiefly, we can, at present crisis, owe our National salvation.

This fact is discerned by the advocates of the second class of remedies, to which I have referred, by those, who see in social reforms the panacea for every evil, the advocates of shortened hours of labour, increased education, and the improvement of the external condition of the people. They rest their hopes on sanitary regulations, schemes of national education, and the diffusion of practical information with regard to health, economy, and foresight, and would raise the national character, by improving the cottages, enlarging the gardens, washing the clothes, and bathing the bodies of the poor. They point to the facts, that extended means of recreation, more comfortable homes, and more vigorous health, will do much to allay discontent, and to increase moral feeling, and they show the sincerity of their convictions, by the efforts they use to effect their objects. These objects are very important, they merit all the attention they have received, or can receive, and yet, when you have secured a healthy residence, a plentiful supply of pure air and clean water for a man, when you have taught him to keep his body clean, and to select wholesome food, you have done no more than every wise man does for his cattle; and even if you go further, and prohibit him from labouring more than is good for his health, and urge and enable him to find innocent relaxation, you are still content with material advantages. The evil is, that he should require inducements to cleanliness, that there should be so great a temptation (from the low rate of wages) to over labour, that he should want assistance in the regulation of his domestic economy. Even if you go a step further, and try to educate, as long as this is confined to instruction in the lowest elements of intellectual training, (and this is all that mutual sectarian jealousies have hitherto left possible as a general plan), while the evil education of accident and circumstance continues to corrupt, it does not reach the root of the matter. It is the best of the schemes yet noticed, and has borne the best fruits, but it is not enough. By such instruction, you increase the probability, that the subject of it will be a virtuous man, and a useful citizen, but it is only an increased probability. The connection which has been often pointed out between ignorance and crime, is, only partly one of cause and effect. increase or diminution of offences against the laws, depends more on the amount of employment, the means of subsistence, the price of provisions, than on the degree of education, (in the restricted sense in which we are now using the

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word, as at present realized in this country,) and the evils which are under consideration are those pervading every class of the community, and felt more or less by every member of it; they cannot, therefore, find their cure, although they may be alleviated, by the increased instruction of the poorer classes of the people.

In the third place, there are the advocates of Religious reform, the meaning of which phrase differs according to the party who uses it. With some, it signifies the bringing over people generally from other sects to their own; with others, increasing the number of churches, and providing additional curates; with others, the fresh and more equitable distribution of ecclesiastical property; and with others again, the purifying and remodelling of Christian doctrine. There is a sense in which we may use the words, which makes religious reform all sufficient for what we want, strong enough to meet and overthrow all the giant evils which embarrass us, comprehensive enough to include in its blessings all the different classes, who feel different wants, and capable of healing the wounds, and drying the tears, and comforting the sorrows, which abound amongst us.

The reform which we do really want, is an individual reform of character and conduct, such as Christianity produces, when Jesus, sitting on the throne of man's heart, makes all things new within him. It is vain to strive to act on great masses, and to hope, as by the touch of an enchanter's wand, to transform the wretched, guilty, debased children of want and vice, into sturdy, self-relying freemen, at the call of political reform; or into healthy, self-respecting, neat, clean and decent human beings, by projects of social amelioration. Give the advocates of these things their due, accord them the praise of earnestness, sincerity, and benevolence; and yet you may conceive that they do not go to the bottom of the evil, are not treating the disease which all deplore, in a manner likely to effect its cure. It is no use trying to give a Nation all at once full grown institutions, either political or social; the true method is to train them, as individuals, to the point at which they become sensible of certain wants, and they will themselves give birth to what they require. A supply of books is useless to a nation among whom reading is unknown; means of cleanliness and recreation are of little avail, where there is no wish to be clean, no desire to find amusement; political equality, and popular liberty, can work only mischief, where there is not individual self-knowledge, and self-control.

The reform of individual conduct, and feelings, and character, surpasses all other reforms in magnitude, and would inevitably lead to them as its result. To check evil passions, evil customs, to lead men one by one, and one after another, to temperance, chastity, and self-command, to purify their tastes, raise their ideas of enjoyment, improve their estimate of duty, call forth their moral and religious affections, and finally infuse into their hearts the spiritual influence of the Gospel, may seem a long and wearisome task, but it is the only method by which Society can be elevated beyond its present level. The noblest edifice is composed of many stones, which are raised one by one; the most enlightened, and virtuous, and happy community must consist of individuals, each of whom has separately acquired these characteristics. We are too apt to be looking for great results, to want to act on many at once, but he, who, despising little things, aims at effecting a change in a larger field, will do little or nothing; he who is content to act on individuals, does well and thoroughly what he undertakes, and will, by perseverance, do much. To lay the foundation of self-control, to erect on it the superstructure of religion, and to make men around him thoughful, reasonable, and pious, is the proper work, not only of every real Philanthropist, but also of every true Patriot.

By such a course, we are at the same time preparing the way for political and social improvements. The great prerequisite is the production of a certain proportion of citizens, devoid of selfishness, and gifted with powers of thought and reason. If the great inajority of the working class were men of strict moral character, of temperate habits, of refleetive minds, who could not, by any probable corrupt influences, be induced to swerve from the path of duty, and if the upper classes were at the same time generally disinterested and patriotic, there would be little difficulty in effecting such an alteration in our constitution, as would give to every citizen a voice in the management of public affairs. The reform of personal character must be confined to no one class; it must permeate the whole; but till this improvement has been effected, no wise man will wish to put power into the hands of those, whose number would seem to remove individual responsibility, who have little to lose by any rash steps they may take, and who, in their present state (as a whole, individual exceptions are very numerous, but the majority would rule,) would probably use their powers as