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address his majesty no longer to place his confidence in his present ministers. As far as the call of the House goes, I shall content myself with observing, that it must in every possible view prove useless, It is evidently unnecessary, because if the question possesses strong claims to attention, its importance will produce the desired attendance. Most of the hon. gentleman's arguments are founded upon the recent news to which he has thought proper to allude, and which he undertakes to inform us is rendered so certain and authentic that it should, in his opinion, cause a complete change in the sentiments entertained by gentlemen during the whole of the session. I know not what to think of the hon. gentleman's idea of authenticity; but to draw any conclusion from the statements of the enemy alone, would be to decide without the common grounds necessary to form an opinion. On the imperfect and partial information of the enemy, the House is called upon to interpose its advice with the executive government. To propose this conduct to the House is to propose, that without knowing the extent of the advantages gained by the enemy, without ascertaining the sum of the losses sustained by our ally, without consulting that ally with respect to his present situation, and the extent of his future resources, we should at once come to a decision, where cool reflection and serious inquiry are most necessary. I trust the House will never adopt a conduct so degrading, so contrary to the dignified character which it has supported throughout the present arduous contest, We have extricated ourselves from perils more imminent than those upon which the motion is founded. We have triumphed in a crisis more alarming than the present; we have succeeded in rescuing our country from the ruin with which it was threatened, and afforded every chance of protection to Europe. When, therefore, we consider what we have done in times more pregnant with danger, shall we hesitate to declare that we will not shake the solid reputation we have acquired from our past exertions, by agreeing to a motion resting upon such feeble grounds? I believe the House will not hesitate to reject any measure of a similar tendency, and I am inclined to think that the hon. getleman's friends near him will join in the opposition. The hon. gentleman has told us, that all our exertions have failed; and he

has enumerated all those arguments which he supposes to have influenced us; but he has omitted the principal argument, and the very qualification upon which we all along stated the question of war. We did not rely upon the strength of Russia, the services of Bavaria, the sincerity of the emperor of Germany, and the increase of his forces; nor did we depend upon the exhausted state of the French finances; but we stated generally and clearly-" Is the situation of affairs such as to induce you to prefer peace to the continuance of war?" We stated this to the country at large-we exhibited a fair balance of the advantages and disadvantages of both, and drew our conclusion in conformity to statements which were undeniable. That there is a serious change in military affairs, it would be idle to deny; but does it follow from any recent vicissitude that what we concluded upon formerly was not right then? Did government promise that the Austrian army should be always vic torious? Did it enter into a solemn engagement that no unexpected calamities should occur? Did it pledge itself that the talents of the imperial commanders should be equal to every exigence? To terms of such a nature it never gave its acquiescence. But did we not expressly say, that if the worst instead of the best consequences were to happen, we should not therefore be dejected, but exert our courage, talents, and resources, in proportion to the danger with which we might be threatened? If the accounts respecting the successes of the enemy were correct and in all their particulars, we should, even in that case, act more in favour of the enemy's views than in sup port of our own interest by agreeing to the motion.

Mr. Jones said, that if ever there was a period, or if ever there were circum. stances, which rendered it important to take the constitutional sense of the people upon the situation of the country and of public affairs, this was the time, and the circumstances now existed. If this was not the place, was it in Downing-street? If this was not the time, was it when ministers should have been still more disappointed in their expectations? To peace he was a friend; and the arguments which had been used to set that blessing at a distance were, in his opinion, weak and absurd. His honourable friend had compared that great man the first consul to Hannibal. It might be supposed that

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Debate on Lord Holland's Motion for an Address not to prorogue Parliament in the present awful Conjuncture.] July 9. The order of the day being read,

Lord Holland observed, that however a widely he had differed from those who had, in the beginning of the present year, ransacked dictionaries to find out terms of reproach against the person who was at the head of affairs in France; yet, differing in opinion as he then did from his majesty's ministers, he could not with indifference behold one man, and that man one of the first military geniuses in the world, in the possession of greater power than any man ever possessed in Europe since the days of Charlemagne. He believed there was not a noble lord in that House, that there was not even one of his majesty's ministers, who did not repent of the answer which had been made to the overtures that had lately come from France. The conduct of ministers in rejecting those overtures was not nearly so censurable as the manner in which they were rejected. A most reproachful, galling, and irritating answer was sent, which could have no other effect than that of promoting the views of Buonaparté. What end could it have answered to have desired Buonaparté to give up the power he had usurped, and restore the monarchy of France, the most inveterate enemy that ever Great Britain had? to restore that line of princes who had maintained the country in peace at home and respectability abroad." Let noble lords only see how this respectability was maintained by [VOL. XXXV.]

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the illustrious descendant of the House of Bourbon who now filled the throne of Spain, and by the king of Naples. But what were the consequences of this most injudicious answer? It enabled Buonaparté to raise an immense army, by which he had made himself master of the most important part of Italy, and completely destroyed the hopes of gaining a majority of the people of France to favour the views of the allies. When this subject was discussed on a former occasion, it was argued, that Buonaparté was not sincere. If ministers really thought at that time that he was insincere, was it not their duty to expose his insincerity to the whole world? And how was that to be done, but by listening to his overtures? Very different was this conduct from what had been pursued by ministers at the time of the negotiations at Lisle, after which his majesty declared he would be always ready to meet any disposition on the part of the enemy to negotiate at any future period. This opportunity presented itself, and was rejected with scorn. This conduct was only to be accounted for by the temper of those who were the advisers of his majesty, in whose character the most distinguished feature was that of being depressed at every reverse of good fortune, and elevated to an unwarrantable pitch at every circumstance that turned out favourably. In those men, however, who had acted thus rashly and injudiciously, parliament had placed a blind and stupid confidence, which he contended ought to be withdrawn. It was impossible that such men could ever negotiate for peace with an enemy whom they had irritated by the foulest abuse. It was time for parliament to place its confidence in other men. It was absolutely necessary, that, during the important events now transacting on the continent, parlia ment should continue sitting, in order to give such advice to his majesty, and make such inquiries, as the course of events should render necessary. He was aware that this would be objected to, on the ground of its interfering with the prerogative of the crown; but such interference was perfectly conformable to the practice of the constitution. It might also be objected to, on the ground of the personal inconvenience it would cause to many noble lords; but he was sure that every noble lord who should think a measure of this kind necessary, would cheerfully make those sacrifices which the interest of his [2 D]

country might call for. He thought it | necessary that parliament should continue sitting, not only to be at its post during the present alarming crisis, but in order to inquire into the conduct of ministers, who had been unsuccessful in all their military operations. He did not find fault with ministers for not foreseeing the events of the campaign; but for having pretended to foresee that the campaign would be favourable. He should therefore move, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, humbly to implore his majesty not to prorogue Parliament in the present awful Conjuncture."

Lord Grenville said, that a considerable part of what the noble lord had urged with so much warmth, might readily be conceded; namely, that it was the province of parliament to watch over the conduct of ministers, and to offer such advice to his majesty as circumstances might call for, and even to address his majesty for their removal if they saw fit; but if the noble lord meant that it was the province of parliament to inspect, direct, and control the operations of war, he would not say merely that it was more advisable that the immediate servants of his majesty should undertake this with the responsibility attached to their situation; but he must assert, that it would be far better that any five men in either House should undertake this, than that such deliberations should be directly carried on in parliament. The noble lord had complained of the miserable system of confidence given to his majesty's ministers; but this was only equivalent to a wish that there might be a substitution of confidence by a change of administration; for it was evident that no executive government could exist without sharing in the confidence of parliament and the public. The ulterior object of the present motion appeared to be nothing else than that of effecting a change of administration; and what were the charges that had been adduced? Ministers had been equally criminated for the two extremes of obstinacy and of imbecility; but what was the fair inference to be drawn from accusations made of such an opposite nature, but that, steering clear of each of these extremes, the measures of administration were guided by wisdom and moderation? The noble lord had severely reflected on ministers for dissuading parliament from listening to the overtures of Buonaparté to open a negotiation for peace. The grounds on

which that refusal was built, were recorded by their lordships. Here lord Grenville recapitulated the arguments used on that occasion, derived from the precarious nature of the new government of France to treat for, or to maintain a solid peace, &c. But the noble lord had adverted to the subsequent successes of Buonaparté, and to his continuance in power to the present period, and had argued a want of foresight in the executive government, in refusing to treat with that person. To this want of foresight he, for one, was ready to plead guilty. He had no hesitation to acknowledge, that he did not then foresee that Buonaparté, escaping as he had done from Egypt, would arrive at such a critical period in Paris, when the power of the Directory was on the wane, and that he would easily succeed in erecting his military despotism on the ruins thereof.. He did not then foresee the subsequent events which had taken place in Italy; nor could it well have been apprehended, that the Austrian arms, guided by a military commander of great skill and experience, and in possession of so many strong places, would have suffered such a reverse of fortune.-The noble lord had likewise assumed, as the ground of his crimination of ministers, two things, which he must take the liberty to deny; the one was, that the answer given to the overtures of Buonaparte was of an insulting nature; the other, that the acceptance of these overtures would have led to a secure peace. He would tell the noble lord, that, with all the advantage he had derived from the knowledge and experience of subsequent events, no other answer was proper to be given. His lordship, adverting to the reverses of the Austrians, said, he must disclaim all responsibility for the conduct of foreign powers. At present we were not possessed of documents by which to form an accurate judgment of the sentiments of Austria. The late events in Italy had not been officially communicated; but if it were fair to form a judgment from the statement given by the enemy's general, Berthier, concerning the hard-fought battle of Marengo, during many hours of obstinate contest, the victory hung in suspense. The result, it was true, proved unfavourable to our allies; but had it proved otherwise, little short of the total ruin of the French army must have ensued. Was it fit then, under all the circumstances, that the session of parliament should be

declared permanent; that that House should take the business of the executive government out of its hands; or that, from the momentary advantage which the enemy had obtained-not over this country, but over the arms of its allies-the spirit of the country should be depressed, its efforts paralized, the line of conduct which it had hitherto pursued altered, or the engagements which it had formed with its allies broken? He could not admit, for a moment, that the House would adopt so monstrous a proposition.

The House divided: Contents, 2; Not Contents, 26.

Debate on Mr. Western's Motion for a Committee on the State of the Nation.] July 9. Mr. Western said:-Sir; pursuant to the notice I gave last week, I now rise to submit a motion to the House upon the important subject of the war in which we are engaged. Considering attentively the eventful changes which have taken place in Europe since the commencement of this year; seeing that, even at this early period, those hopes we had vainly entertained of a brilliant and successful campaign have in effect completely vanished; feeling, as I do, that this House is deeply responsible to the nation for having supported ministers in their rejec tion of overtures of peace in January last, upon grounds which have now proved utterly fallacious. I have upon the whole determined, that the measure most expedient to offer to the adoption of the House is, that this House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole House to take into consideration the state of the nation. In proposing this motion, I am actuated by a firm conviction, that we ought to take into our deliberate consideration those important events which have transpired since the commencement of the present session. Since we gave our sanction to ministers in rejecting the overtures of the French republic in January last, the political state of Europe is entirely changed; every reason that was then urged by ministers to induce us to sanction their measures, now ceases to exist; every prospect they held out to us is reversed; every prediction they made has totally failed; and we now see, that the advantages we did possess have been sacrificed either to their pride and rashness, or to their miserable want of sagacity and prudence. Under such circumstances, is it not the indispensable duty of parliament

to consider how far it is wise or practicable farther to pursue the same line of policy we have approved? Is it not our duty especially to consider how far we can be justified in continuing that confidence in the king's ministers which we have hitherto so abundantly given them? In all times of difficulty and danger, the nation must look up to the opinion of its representatives, and rely for protection upon their energy and wisdom: it is in such cases one of the most important functions of parliament to advise the executive, and, when necessary, to interfere and stop the progress of a weak or wicked administration. Such I conceive to be our immediate duty at this moment.

If, Sir, it is an objection to the motion, that it argues a want of confidence in ministers, and disapprobation of their measures, to that objection I plead guilty. I will only go back to the commencement of this year to justify my want of confidence in them. I contend there is, within that short period, the strongest grounds to prove their want of sagacity, wisdom, and prudence. The commencement of the present year produced a new æra of the war: a new government had been formed in France, which assumed a tone of moderation very different from that which characterised any that had prevailed since the Revolution. This new government sent overtures of peace to this country, in a way that carried every ap. parent mark of sincerity: such a circum. stance gave us a most valuable opportunity of treating with honour at least, and I believe of concluding a peace to greater advantage than we shall have any chance of doing again. The memorable answer to those overtures is strongly impressed upon every man's mind. Upon no terms whatever would ministers condescend to treat for peace, or hear the proposals which this new government of France was desirous to offer. I hope to hear from the chancellor of the exchequer whether he adheres to this determination.-Now, Sir, I will shortly examine the different circumstances which were urged by ministers to induce the House to approve their measures, and consider whether they have answered in any one point. In the first place, much was said in regard to the character of the chief consul, upon whom no reliance could be placed for the maintenance of any engagement that should be entered into on his part. Then was stated generally the probable instability

of the government, and great hopes were | continuing that confidence in ministers entertained of its overthrow, founded upon which we have hitherto so abundantly the supposed increasing strength of the given them. royalist party. But, above all, the greatest expectations were formed from the emperor of Russia. Finally, the exertions of the house of Austria would exceed infinitely those of any former campaign. From all these circuinstances combined, hopes of the most brilliant successes were entertained, such as placed beyond all doubt the expediency of farther prosecuting the war. Good God, Sir, how completely have all these hopes and expectations vanished! I shall make but few observations upon the miserable invectives against the character of the chief consul. I feel little inclined to enter into any discussion of the character of general Buonaparté; but I will assert, that since his possession of the chief magistracy of France, he has evinced ability and conduct that create the admiration of the world. In regard to this new government, within the short period of six or eight months it has given proofs, not only of stability, but it possesses a species of vigour, activity, and energy, not to be equalled by any other of the powers of Europe. The royalist party, by the effect of conciliation and treaty, followed by the most vigorous measures, was soon annihilated. The emperor of Russia very soon seceded from the coalition. The emperor of Germany is totally defeated, and is about to accept peace upon such terms as the chief consul is willing to give. In addition to these circumstances, we have reason to expect the formation of an armed neutrality amongst the northern powers; and it is not an immaterial consideration, that the French, who had agreed to evacuate Egypt, by our folly and injustice, are, perhaps, more firmly established there than ever-the Porte, also, our good ally, is by no means delighted with our conduct upon that occasion.

What, then, remains of all the hopes and prospects which ministers presented to our view? Every expectation has been reversed, every prediction has failed, every advantage we did possess at the begin ning of the year is actually lost. Can the House do otherwise than doubt the wisdom and sagacity of ministers, and consequently the safety of the country under their direction? It is our duty to take into our immediate consideration the critical situation of the kingdom. It is our duty to consider how far we can be justified in

I stated, Sir, in a former part of my speech, that an objection might be urged against going into a committee of Inquiry founded upon a notion that it would infer a desponding idea of the situation of the country; it is not my intention to convey such an idea, and my motion, if adopted, would not have that effect, but I wish to convey strongly to the conviction of every man's mind, that our situation is critical, and that our safety depends upon the measures we shall pursue. If we determine obstinately to follow the same system we have done, there is considerable ground of serious apprehension and alarm. It is impossible not to take into our contemplation the great probability that exists of peace being immediately concluded between Austria and France. Suppose, then, the government of this country determines to persist in the same spirit of inveterate hostility which has so strongly marked its conduct hitherto; suppose France completely disengaged from all continental war, and directing her whole force against this country; under such circumstances, I should not consider our situation by any means secure. No man entertains a more exalted opinion of our naval superiority than I do; but we cannot command the clements; and France has been enabled, in more instances than one, to threaten and even invade our shores. I repeat then, that if disengaged from all continental war, I see no reason why, by repeated efforts, and the sacrifice of some men, she may not land considerable forces in our sister kingdom. What the event would be, if the victorious legions of the chief consul should obtain a footing in that country, I will not anticipate; but I believe there are not two opinions as to the extreme distress it must inevitably occasion; nor do I see what should prevent France from making the attempt. It must, I think, be admitted, that his majesty's ministers have done every thing in their power to goad and irritate them to desperate and irreconcileable hostility against this country.

In regard to our internal situation, no man can contemplate the enormity of our public debt, and the immense revenue we are obliged to raise, without feeling considerable alarm, and wishing for a reduction of that unbounded expense which a

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