for prosecuting the war with vigour, they best promote the attainment of peace, on grounds consistent with the security and honour of this country, and with the safety and independence of Europe.

G. R."

Copy of the Convention with the Emperor of Germany.] Mr. Pitt also presented, by his majesty's command, a Copy of the following

CONVENTION between his Majesty and the
Emperor of the Romans, signed at
Vienna, the 20th June, 1800.

His majesty the emperor of the Romans, king of Hungary and Bohemia, and his majesty the king of Great Britain, have judged, that it was conformable to the interest of their crowns, and to the good of the common cause, to concert with each other on the best manner of giving effect to the union of their efforts against the common enemy, in the present campaign; in consequence of which thr baron de Thugut, Grand Cross of the order of St. Stephen, his imperial majesty's minister of conferences, and commissary general and minister plenipotentiary in his provinces of Italy, Istria, and Dalmatia, &c.; and the right hon. Gilbert lord Minto, peer of Great Britain, one of his Britannic majesty's most honourable privy council, and his envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the court of Vienna, being furnished on the part of their aforesaid imperial and Britannic majesties with the powers requisite for discussing and arranging this important object. The said plenipotentiaries, after having respective'y exchanged their full powers, have agreed upon the following articles:

Art. 1. In order to relieve the pressing necessities of the finances of his imperial majesty, under the enormous expenses already incurred, and which remain to be incurred during the present campaign, his Britannic majesty shall advance to his above-mentioned imperial majesty, by way of loan, the sum of two million pounds sterling; this sum shall be divided into three parts, and paid at three different periods, preferably in specie, so that the first third, of 666,666l. 13s. 4d. shall be paid in the first days of the month of July; the second third of the like sum in the first days of September; and the remaining third in the first days of the month of December.

Art. 2. During the whole continuance of the war, and during the six months which shall follow the conclusion of a peace between Austria and France, his imperial majesty shall not be bound to pay any interest upon the sum of two millions advanced, as stipulated in the preceding article: Great Britain consenting to take this charge upon her own account until the period above-mentioned; but on the expiration of the term of six months after the conclusion of peace, his imperial majesty shall pay for the future to the British

government, or to the individuals who stali be pointed out by the British government, an annual rent, or annual rents, making alto. gether the amount of the interests of the two millions advanced; which interests shall be calculated at the same rate, as the interests of the loan made on account of the British government in the present year. His imperial majesty shall moreover pay annually to the British government, the sum of 20,000/ sterling, at two periods, that is to say, 10,000!. in the successive purchase and reduction of every six months; which sum shall be employed the principals of the two millions, according to the method adopted by the British government in its own loans.

Art. 3. Their imperial and Britannic majesties mutually promise each other to carry on the war against the French republic during the present campaign, with all possible vigour, and to employ in it all their respective means by land and sea, concerting together as occasion shall require, on the most advantageous manner of reciprocally employing their forces by land and sea, to the support of their operations against the common enemy, His imperial majesty shall be careful to complete his armies of Germany and of Italy, in proportion to the losses which they have sustained, in order always as far as possible to act against the common enemy, the same number of ef fective men conformably to the statements which his imperial majesty caused to be confi dentially communicated to the British government, on the opening of the campaign.

Art. 4. The Bavarian troops, those of Wurtemberg, and the Swiss regiments, in the pay of Great Britain, shall be at the disposition of his imperial majesty, to form a part of his army in Germany, and to be employed there in operations against the enemy, in conformity to the conventionsand capitulations concluded on this subject by the king of Great Britain. His Britannic majesty shall take the necessary measures for the farther reinforcement of the army of his imperial majesty in Germany, by as great a number as possible of German and Swiss Troops.

Art. 5. Their imperial and Britannic majesties engage during the whole continuance of the present convention, not to make a separate peace with the French republic; without the previous and express consent of each other. They engage likewise not to treat with the enemy, nor to receive from him any overtures either for a private peace, or for a general pacification, without making, mutually, communications of them with openness, and acting in every respect in perfect concert.

Art. 6. The duration of the present convention is fixed for the term of one year, to be computed from the 1st of March 1800, until the end of February 1801. From the month of December, and immediately after the acquittal of the last payment of the stipulated advances, the two high contracting parties shall

convenience.

enter into deliberation and confidential ex- | announced his intention of forming an alplanation, upon the determinations that they liance, and entering into a treaty for the may think necessary to adopt for the future, prosecution of the war, with the emperor according to circumstances and their mutual of Germany, the elector of Bavaria, and other princes of the Germanic empire. The House had, upon such communication determined that upon every principle of sound policy, it was bound to sanction the treaty his majesty had expressed his intention of entering into, and to enable him to fulfil it. Since that period, various events had happened affecting the relative situation of our allies. Some of those events had been attended with most brilli

Art. 7. The present convention shall be ratifed in due form by their imperial and Britannic majesties, and the respective ratifications shall be exchanged at Vienna, in the space of six weeks, or sooner, if possible.-In witness whereof, we, the undersigned, furnished with the full powers of their imperial and Britannic majesties, have, in their names, signed the present convention, and have af fixed thereunto the seal of our arms. Done

1800.

at Vienna, the 20th of June, in the year (L. S.) LE BARON DE THUGUT. (L. S.) MINTO.

The King's Message for a Vote of Credit.] July 18. Mr. Pitt presented the following Message from his Majesty: "George R.

"As the state of public business may soon enable his majesty to put an end to the present session, His majesty thinks it proper to recommend it to the House of Commons, to consider of making provision to enable his majesty to defray such extraordinary expenses (in addition to those which will be incurred in fulfilling the specific engagements which his majesty has already directed to be laid before parliament) and to take such measures as the exigency of affairs may require. G. R."

Debate in the Commons on the Subsidies to the Emperor of Germany, &c.] July, 18. The House having resolved itself into a committee of supply,

Mr. Pitt said, that having already had occasion to submit a motion to the consideration of the House, relative to the treaty with the emperor of Germany, it could not be necessary for him at present to enter very minutely into the subject, not only because the motives to induce the committee to accede to such treaty were in themselves so obvious, but because they had been so explicitly stated by him when that motion had been discussed, and were so clearly pointed out in the message of his majesty. In fact there scarcely remained any thing farther for him to do, than to move that the committee should adopt such a resolution as would enable his majesty to carry that treaty into effect. It might, however, be necessary to remind the committee, that as early as February last, his majesty had [VOL. XXXV.]

ant and signal advantages to the Austrian arms, and the cause in which we were engaged. On the other hand, he was compelled to admit that our allies had experienced heavy reverses; but they were reverses attributable to the chance of war reverses which so far from having a tendency to relax their efforts, could have no other effect than that of exciting them to more vigorous exertions, and of producing in this House, and in the country at large, that zealous co-operation which it was the object of his majesty's message to obtain; and the House had already by its vote founded upon every principle of policy, determined to grant. Now to enable the committee accurately to judge of the propriety of following up by its vote that which the House had sanctioned, it might be necessary to consider the circumstances under which the treaty was proposed and accepted, previous to the knowledge, or even the suspicion, of those disasters which had lately taken place in Italy. As far as his majesty's ministers had received any information upon the subject, they had every reason to believe that notwithstanding the extent at which those disasters had been stated by the enemy the emperor of Germany had determined not to recede on his part. Whether, if the emperor was determined to fulfil his part of the treaty, this House ought to enable his majesty to afford him his assistance, was a question which rather required to be stated than to be argued : for it was not to be believed, that the magnanimity and courage of Great Britain was to be affected by the vicissitudes of war: that its faith towards its allies was to be shaken by fortuitous events: or that it would shrink from those allies in whose success it expected to have participated; merely because they had experienced disasters, the effect of which there was every reason to hope would be momen [2 FJ

cipal or interest? There was no reason on earth for being satisfied with the good faith of the emperor. He hoped ministers would pause, after eight years of war, and not rashly continue it by voting away two million, especially in so thin a House. The country was not able to bear the burthens with which ministers oppressed it for the sake of enabling them to carry on a bellum ad internecionem.

Mr. I. H. Browne maintained, that the House had no reason to distrust the good faith of the emperor. He said, it would be impossible, in the present state of France, if the emperor made a separate peace, for this country to make one afterwards; it was therefore necessary that the two powers should act in concert. He should

tary, and eventually inconsiderable. Under such circumstances, he was persuaded the sentiments expressed in his majesty's message were those which actuated every one to whom he was addressing himself. There was not one British heart in the country that could think differently upon the subject; nor could he for a moment suppose, that there would be the least opposition to the resolution he should have the honour of moving. If, then, there was nothing in the events which had taken place in Italy of sufficient magnitude to deter the emperor from fulfilling the treaty on his part, surely, as a question of policy, interest, and prudence, whether this country ought to abide by it, it lay within the narrowest compass imaginable. Whatever had been the result of the cam-be sorry to see our wealth expended in a paign in Italy, still it must be apparent that the interests of this country required that it should not separate itself from its ally the emperor, but, on the contrary, should do every thing in its power to enable him to prosecute the war with vigour and effect, and with a chance of taking advantage of an opening for negotiation, if such should present itself. Mr. Pitt Mr. Martin said, that from the very concluded with moving, 1. "That a fur-first moment of our connexion with ther sum, not exceeding 1,500,000l. be granted to his majesty, to enable his majesty to fulfil the engagements which his majesty has entered into with the emperor of Germany. 2. That a sum, not exceeding 545,4941. be granted to his majesty, to enable his majesty to make good such sum as have or will become due in the course of the present year, in con-powers? Why were we not content to sequence of engagements with the emperor of Russia."-The first resolution being read,

Mr. Jones said, he should enter his protest against sending any more money out of the country to subsidize foreign powers. Besides, he did not approve of the terms of the treaty; there was something in it that tended to the prolongation of the war. We engaged not to treat with the enemy, or receive any overtures, either for a private peace, or general pacification, without acting in concert with the emperor of Germany. If ministers could be justified in making such a treaty, it could only be upon their having sufficient reasons to rely upon the good faith of the emperor. Was that the case? Had he not once already made a separate peace, and would he not do the same if it suited his purpose? Had he not taken our millions without either repaying prin

fruitless war; but he was no less averse to making peace with such a ferocious enemy. The war was a war of defence. Not to persevere, would be to incur the charge of pusillanimity. Whatever sacrifices in money had been made by this country, they bore no proportion to those of Austria in the loss of her subjects.

foreign powers, he had been of opinion that they tended to the misery, not only of our own people but of all the world. He never would vote a single penny for promoting continental alliances. They had been the means of increasing war and bloodshed. What occasion had we to resort to the assistance of continental

defend ourselves by the courage of our brave seamen? Why prolong the period of war and bloodshed all over the world, by paying foreign powers to fight for us?

Mr. Tierney said, he thought he should deserve ill of the House, ill of his country, and ill of all Europe, if he gave the vote which the minister had called upon him to give. If any thing in the conduct of that right hon. gentleman could have surprised him, it would have been the lofty tone in which he had desired the House to agree to the present motion. If ever there had been a day in which it would have become him to have come down covered with sackcloth and ashes, it was the present. The war was an unjust and unnecessary war, begun and carried on to gratify the inordinate pride of ministers. Admitting the French had been the aggressors in the first instance, yet from the date of Buonaparte's letter to his majesty,

[438 things assumed quite a different com- not perceive that the stability of the preplexion; and ministers were answerable sent government of France exceeded that to God and their country for all the blood of any republican form of government that that had been since shed, and treasure had ever existed? Had he not seen France that had been expended. It was true, under the government of Buonaparté left ministers might have thought they had for the first time without a garrison? The some ground for not listening to the over- fact was, that the people of France suptures of Buonaparté, but they were no ported the government of Buonaparte, grounds for inducing the House to sanc- chiefly because he had manifested a distion their refusal, by stating, that they position towards peace. Was there a were certain of the co-operation of their single act of the present French governallies. It was impossible but, at the very ment that ought to be a bar to negotiation? time when the chancellor of the exchequer | No man could look to any successes on was amusing the House by such an as- the part of the allied arms to countersurance, he must have known that it was balance the gigantic strides of the French. without foundation; it was impossible for Was it just, therefore, to confine the him not to have known (unless the sums Emperor to a war which would terminate granted for secret services were thrown in his ruin, by bribery? Were not minisaway), that the emperor of Russia, one ters justifying, by their conduct, the asof those allies, was sick of the war. The sertions contained in the French papers, fact was, Russia had soon after withdrawn that nothing but the gold of England preher forces. If the assurance he had made vented Europe from enjoying a lasting had been founded in truth, how came it peace? Would they say the Emperor had that the treaty with Austria had not been it in his power, even if he were willing, signed till the 20th of June? They talked to carry this treaty into effect? Would of not suspecting the faith of the Emperor. they say there were not negotiations at He did suspect him. No doubt the Em- this moment carrying on, and in a state peror had Hattered himself that his arms of forwardness, between the Emperor and would have been more successful; and in the French? What was to be gained by the event of a favourable opportunity the 2,000,000l. that we were lavishing offering of making a separate peace with away? It was said, that the least suspi France, certainly it would have been more cion ought not to be entertained of the to his advantage not to have been shackled Emperor making a separate peace. Cerby a treaty with this country; but when tainly nothing could justify such an injuhe found that he could not obtain those rious suspicion but experience. Was it advantages over the enemy which he had not the fact, that during the existence of hoped for, he had no objection to com- a treaty as strong and as binding as this pensate himself by a little British money, was, he had entered into a separate treaty of course he could have no dislike to a of peace, which had lasted a year? Was subsidy, which would not prevent him it just to urge an ally to his destruction? from making a separate peace when he If this had been a war of defence, he could do so with advantage. With res- would have been one of the last to have pect to the Russians, it was doubted whe- contended, that a subsidy would not be ther they had rendered any service what- desirable. But it was not a war of deever. That the exertions of the Austrians fence, nor could any one say what it was had been vigorous, he would not deny; ministers really would have, nor for what but was the right hon. gentleman sure the they carried it on. He did not question Emperor had the same object in view for the Emperor's willingness to continue the which the war was professed to be carried contest; but, however great it might be, on by his majesty's ministers? The next with his armies broken and defeated, his pretence for rejecting the overtures of spirit must be discomfited. Every thing Buonaparte was the assistance that would had vanished; all the advantages so much be obtained in France. It was stated that boasted in the hour of our arrogance had the loyalists and emigrants had made head been wrested from him! and yet, with all =against the French government. Was this experience, they were to be called that true? Had there been any rising in callous, who should oppose a continuance France to justify such an assertion? Must of the system which had produced such not the right hon. gentleman either have fatal consequences. To repair these, our been grossly misled himself, or have wil-money could not avail. What else then fully imposed upon the House? Did he could we do, and how were we further to