ferred, is absent from his place. It is now evident that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) is no longer in his former official situation; for he has been addressed from the chair by his own private name, and the office that he filled, the House is bound to consider as unfilled. Under such circumstances, it is indecent to bring forward the present motion. In the Ame rican war, the right hon. gentleman made the House resound with the profusion of the minister, though in the last year of that war only thirteen millions were added to the national debt. But what was this profusion to that which has distinguished the present contest? For the service of the present year no less a sum than 28 millions is required. Admitting that great sacrifices are necessary, still it is proper we should know who are the persons that are to direct the energies of the country? Whether they are likely to employ the money entrusted to them on objects of true national utility, or waste it in fruitless expeditions? Far is it from my wish to obstruct the granting of those supplies which are necessary for the defence of the nation; but the representatives of the people are bound to check all useless expenditure, to put a stop to profusion, and particularly the practice of granting pensions to persons who have performed no acts of public benefit. On these grounds I contend, that farther proceedings on these estimates should be delayed till the new ministers, by taking their seats, have assumed responsibility.

Mr. Pitt, in reply, took up what had been advanced by the hon. gentleman, respecting the state of the country in 1784, and contended that the situation in which it was now placed was essentially different. At that period public opinion was divided, the strength of the different parties was very nearly balanced; and it was under the circumstances of a new administration, which had received no previous support from the House, that an attempt was unsuccessfully made to withhold the supplies for the public service. But it would be singular, if, under circumstances more urgent, under dangers more alarming, under exigencies more pressing than at any former period, the House were now to delay that supply which was essentially necessary to the public defence. It would be singular, if those who had so long, without effect, opposed ministers, though supported by the House and the nation, should succeed in depriving government of the means of na

tional defence, because those who had been the grand objects of their invective were to continue to direct public affairs. He hoped that the attempt would be as unsuccessful as it was at the period to which the hon. gentleman had alluded; and he trusted that the defeat of the attempt would be attended with consequences as salutary as those which took place on that occasion.-The hon. gentleman had complained that the new writs had been unnecessarily delayed, since it was known for some time that ministers had resolved to retire from their situations. To this it was a sufficient answer to say, that, when there arises a change among his majesty's ministers, it must be left to his majesty to determine when the new arrangements shall be formed, and it is contrary to the spirit of the constitution for the House to assume any right of determination on a subject of this kind. The expedient preposed by the hon. gentleman, under the circumstance of this delay, was one of the strongest ever proposed in that House, more particularly by those who stood up for the necessity of adopting the most vigorous measures for the defence of the country. While they admitted that the country was threatened by dangers of the most formidable nature; while they contended that nothing but the most vigorous exertion could protect the interests of the empire, they argued that no harm would arise from delaying the supplies for the army and navy at so critical a moment. True it is, that the country is placed in the most perilous and alarming state, and that every effort of the national energy is necessary to meet the danger. True it is, that a confederacy has been formed against our independence, and even our existence as a great nation, of a nature unprecedented in any period of our history, and that extraordinary exertions alone can enable us to destroy its power; yet delay in granting the supplies which are to create these exertions, we are given to understand, will be attended with no inconvenience! At this moment, when it is allowed to be of the deepest importance that every department of the public service should be accelerated to the greatest possible degree, it was thought requisite that the supplies should be delayed, and that the machine of government should be suspended, because the new administration might be temporary and unstable! Of all the modes that could be proposed at the present moment, that now brought

tration these supplies were expended. But the hon. gentleman had farther endeavoured to support his objections, by considerations drawn from the character of those who were to enter on power. He had said, that if those who were to succeed the present administration had been known to be persons of different principles; if they had been persons who, on commenc ing their official career, had given pledges of attachment to another system than that which had been long pursued, he would then have felt some degree of consolation, and less disposition to have withheld the necessary supplies. This might, with a gentleman possessing the principles which he had avowed in the House, be a very natural feeling; but candour compelled him to say, that, even on this supposition, delay was not necessary; because, until their appointments were publicly notified, it was inconsistent with the constitution to come to any determination. In no previous instance had it been attempted to be denied, that, according to the constitution, his majesty had the sole right of nominating his ministers, and that the House had no right to form any resolution till their conduct came to be judged of by the acts of their administration. Even in 1784, this general principle had never been attempted to be denied in the abstract; but the address then proposed was founded on the circumstance, that the new appointments were contrary to the formerly declared votes of the House. But how did the fact now stand in this respect? There was no call for the interference of the House, either from a change of measures or of men. The measures that were likely to be pursued, were those which the House had repeatedly sanctioned by their votes. Of the men, it was perhaps in competent for them to speak, because who the greater part of them were, could not yet be known, except by general rumour. One individual was, however, known; and what was it that was known of his character? When the vote of thanks was moved for to this right hon. gentleman, he had professed an unwillingness to intermix any political allusions, because he considered them to be foreign to the purpose of the motion. Now, however, this did not apply, and at present it was fully competent to him to state what might be expected of the right hon. gen tleman from the retrospect of his past conduct. He had already filled one situ ation of great importance with the most

forward was surely the last that could be adopted. Such a mode, he felt it his duty to state, from his particular knowledge, would be attended with the most serious inconvenience to the public service. He knew not what might be the inference from this declaration; but if it was mistaken, he should feel himself afterwards at liberty to explain what he had stated. The estimates now produced had already been delayed from circumstances which it was not necessary at present to mention; and if any farther delay took place, it would be impossible to carry into effect those measures which former votes of the House had sanctioned. He felt it his duty further to state, that if such a delay now took place, it would be impossible for him to retire from the office he had held till these votes had been passed. Without now detailing the circumstances which had determined him to retire from that office, it was sufficient to say, that, when he had formed this resolution, he = had at the same time conceived it to be his duty not to resign till he had taken an opportunity to fix the supplies for the year, and to explain that plan which he had in contemplation for the public service. Having formed this determination, it was necessary, that previous to his retiring from office, the estimates should be formed, and therefore it was of consequence that they should be passed as speedily as possible. But the proposed delay had been defended on the principle, that, at this moment, there were no persons publicly responsible for the measures of government, and that ministers might screen themselves from inquiry by pretences of particular plans having been formed by a previous administration. But though the present ministers were to retire from their official situations, he was convinced that they would never be far out of the way when any inquiry was proposed to be instituted into their conduct. For himself, though he had resigned his official station, he should ever be ready to attend in his place when any part of his personal conduct came to be considered, or when any question involving the interests of the empire was to be discussed. But the objection was farther founded in misapprehension, in supposing that the new ministers would have no responsibility, because the supplies had been voted before they entered on office, since undoubtedly responsibility must of necessity be vested in those under whose adminis[VOL. XXXV.] ·

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distinguished ability, and this was the surest augur of his services, in another exalted situation. It was impossible, indeed, to draw a certain inference from this circumstance; but it would be a singular thing, if, from this previous knowledge of his talents, we were to admit the only fact to be true, of the truth of which we have no experience. From three successive parliaments had he received the most decided testimonies of approbation, and to-day he had received the honourable testimony of admiration and gratitude. In refusing, then, to go into the committee, the House would be questioning the propriety of all that they had formerly decided, questioning all that was the best ground of sanguine expectation, and questioning the exercise of the clearest prerogative of the crown.

intention to intrench on the right of the crown in the appointment of ministers. He had stated, however, the true constitutional doctrine on this subject, that the House had a right, if they disapproved of the measures of those appointed, to refuse the supplies. Let the House see, then, who were the persons by whom the sup plies were to be expended. Let them hear the new minister in his place state what his views and principles were, and then let them decide whether he was worthy of their support. He did not consider the new set of ministers as likely to be at all inferior to those who were about to retire. In point of talent, general economy, or regard to the rights of the people, no men could act worse. At all events, he viewed the dissolution of the right hon. gentleman's administration with pleasure, and thought that it held out a faint pros pect of the return of better times.

Mr. Western said, he did not profess to have a perfect knowledge of the extent of the changes that had taken place, nor of those whom rumour had designed to form the new ministry; but from what he did know, he was by no means inclined to give them support. He was convinced that there never was a change which was so universally unsatisfactory. From what was known of the new set, they were persons who held inferior situations under the former ministry,-mere creatures raised into public notice by the patronage of the right hon. gentleman, and who entered on office with the avowed resolution of supporting the system which had reduced the country to its present distress. Not only were they disposed to prosecute whatever was most disastrous in the old system, but to oppose measures which even their predecessors had viewed to be necessary for the tranquillity of the empire. They came into power with the avowed design of disappointing the well-grounded expectation of a numerous class of the community, and of retaining whatever was most detestable in the system of narrow policy.

Mr. Whitbread characterised the speech of his hon. friend (Mr. Harrison) as worthy of the good old times of the constitution. The right hon. gentleman had endeavoured to represent his hon. friend as having a desire to impede the public service. Nothing could be more unreasonable than this accusation, since the supplies were actually voted up to the 5th of April. Equally had the right hon. gentleman misrepresented the other parts of his hon. friend's speech. It was not his

Mr. Buxton thought, that, from the well known character of the new chancellor of the exchequer, there was every reason to anticipate a favourable reception to his administration.

Mr. Hiley Addington was unwilling to dwell on the merits of his right hon. relation; but, from the opinion which the House entertained of his merits in another capacity, it was not, perhaps, too much to expect at least that his future conduct would not be much exposed to censure. One simple request he would now make; it was, that his right hon. relation. might not be prejudged; but that, till proofs to the contrary were produced, an expecta tion might be entertained that he would act in such a manner as to ensure the continuance of that favour which he had already so liberally experienced.

Mr. Hobhouse adverted to the encomium bestowed by Mr. Pitt on the measures of the House for many years past. They were the measures of his own administration, on which his speech was a studied panegyric. He had spoken of the salutary consequences of his adminis tration, but in what quarter were they to be discovered ?. Had he not unnecessarily plunged the country into a calamitous war? had he not shown a total want of wisdom in the mode of conducting it? had he not neglected many excel lent opportunities of negotiating? and when he did negotiate, were there not in him the most evident marks of insince rity? Under his administration the liber ties of the country had been almost anni

had been out-voted in the cabinet; not because they had lost the confidence of the House; but because they had found obstacles, in a certain quarter, to that emancipation of the Catholics, which they had pledged themselves to obtain.

Mr. Pitt thought it unnecessary at the present moment to enter into any explanation respecting the cause of his retiring, as that subject might be the matter of future discussion. He now rose merely to say, that the insinuations thrown out by the hon. gentleman were more than unfounded. That hon. gentleman was pleased to suppose, that he had given a specific pledge, for the conduct of the new administration. He must, in the first place, deny having given any such pledge, and in the second, he must say, that no fair and candid man could have so interpreted his expressions. He had delivered no opinion on the future conduct of his successors; he had merely argued, that it was singular that the House should be called upon to censure what they had be.

and the Catholics will feel, that as Mr. Pitt could not concur in a hopeless attempt to force it now, that he must, at all times, repress with the same decision as if he held an adverse opinion, any unconstitutional conduct in the Catholic body.

"Under these circumstances it cannot be doubted that the Catholics will take the most legal, dutiful, and patient line of conduct; that they will not suffer themselves to be led into measures which can, by any construction, give a handle to the opposers of their wishes, either to misrepresent their principles, or to raise an argument for resisting their claims". Sentiments of a sincere Friend to the Catholic Claims,

(LORD CORNWALLIS.)

fore approved. Neither had he ever said, that the new administration was never to make peace, until what the hon. gentleman was pleased technically to call the ancien régime of France was restored. The ministers about to retire had never made such a declaration; on the contrary, they had uniformly disclaimed any such intention.

Mr. Sheridan said, that it must undoubtedly be the opinion of every member, that the awful crisis in which we were now placed, called upon ministers for an explicit declaration of their intentions; yet sorry he was to observe, that on a subject the most important, they only endeavoured to add juggle to juggle, and to refine upon ingenuity of prevarica tion. As to the manner in which the right hon. gentleman explained his reasons for going out of office, he taxed it with prevarication; because, if he was conscious of having gone out upon sound and constitutional grounds, he would not have recurred to such explanations. The charge brought against him by his hon. friend was, that he had been out-voted in the cabinet or that House; and that, nevertheless, he retired, because his majesty refused to adopt the advice of his council on the question respecting the emancipation of the Catholics. This surely was more than insinuating an odious charge against his majesty. The question, indeed, was delicate and difficult in the extreme. It was not his intention to press it forward on the present occasion, since a day was to come when the right hon. gentleman was to come forward with a more explicit avowal of his sentiments. -The question mooted by his hon. friend was, upon what grounds were the new administration, to be supported; upon what declarations were the supplies to be granted to them? Was the war to be conducted with languor and inertness? Were the supplies to be squandered away as hitherto? To these questions an an

tion."