single new work, seeing that the former can execute many works, and even train other workmen. This conviction caused me to turn my attention to the question of education. But a second cause operated in a still higher degree to produce the same result. The sad time that had passed since 1806 had affected me with horror and dismay; it had made me wish to shun the society of my fellow-men, and had quite disposed me to give myself up to the most solitary researches among the mountains. This disposition was strengthened at Paris, in the midst of the haughty despisers of our German fatherland. But it was here, too, where hope first dawned within me, where a solitary light beamed toward me through the darkness of night. I read Pestalozzi, and what Fichte says, in his 'Addresses to the German Nation,' about Pestalozzi and education. The thought, that a new and better Germany must rise from the ruins of the old one, that youthful blossoms must spring from the mouldering soil, took strong hold of me. In this manner, there awoke within me a determination to visit Pestalozzi at Yverdun.

Fichte's Addresses had great influence on me. Surrounded by Frenchmen, the brave man pointed out to his Berlin hearers in what way they might cast off the French yoke, and renew and strengthen their nationality.

He promised deliverance especially through a national education of the Germans, which he indicated as the commencement of an entire reformation of the human race, by which the spirit should gain a complete ascendency over the flesh. To the question, to which of the existing institutions of the actual world he would annex the duty of carrying out the new education, Fichte answered, To the course of instruction which has been invented and brought forward by Henry Pestalozzi, and which is now being successfully carried out under his direction.'

He then gives an account of Pestalozzi, and compares him with Luther, especially in regard to his love for the poor and destitute. His immediate object, says Fichte, was to help these by means of education, but he had produced something higher than a scheme of popular education, he had produced a plan of national education which should embrace all classes of society.

Further on he expresses himself in his peculiar manner on the subject of Pestalozzi's method, which he criticises. He takes exception to Pestalozzi's view of language, namely, 'as a means of raising mankind from dim perceptions to clear ideas,' and to the Book for Mothers. On the other hand, he strongly recommends the development of bodily skill and dexterity proposed by Pestalozzi, for this, among other reasons, that it would make the whole nation fit for military service, and thus remove the necessity for a standing army. Like Pestalozzi, he attaches a high value to the skill necessary for gaining a livelihood, as a condition of an honorable political existence.

He especially insists that it is the duty of the State to charge itself with education. He spoke in the year 1808, in the capital of Prussia, which had been deeply humiliated by the unhappy war of the preceding years, and in the most hopeless period of Germany's history.

Would that the state,' he said to a Prussian audience, among whom were several high officers of state, 'would look its present peculiar condition steadily in the face, and acknowledge to itself what that condition really is; would that it could clearly perceive that there remains for it no other sphere in which it can act and resolve as an independent State, except the education of the rising generation; that, unless it is absolutely determined to do nothing, this is now all it can do; but that the merit of doing this would be conceded to it undiminished and unenvied. That we are no longer able to offer an active resistance, was before presupposed as obvious, and as acknowledged by every one. How then can we defend our continued existence, obtained by submission, against the reproach of cowardice and an unworthy love of life? In no other way than by resolving not to live for ourselves, and by acting up to this resolution; by raising up a worthy posterity, and by preserving our own existence solely in order that we may accomplish this object. If we had not this first object of life, what else were there for us to do? Our constitutions will be made for us, the alliances which we are to form, and the direction in which our military resources shall be applied, will be indicated to us, a statute-book will be lent to us, even the administration of justice will sometimes be taken out of our hands; we shall be relieved of all these cares for the next years to come. Education

alone has not been thought of; if we are seeking for an occupation, let us seize this! We may expect that in this occupation we shall be left undisturbed. I hope, (perhaps I deceive myself, but as I have only this hope still to live for, I can not cease to hope,) that I convince some Germans, and that I shall bring them to see that it is education alone which can save us from all the evils by which we are oppressed. I count especially on this, as a favorable circumstance, that our need will have rendered us more disposed to attentive observation and serious reflection than we were in the day of our prosperity. Foreign lands have other consolations and other remedies; it is not to be expected that they would pay any attention, or give any credit to this idea, should it ever reach them; I will much rather hope that it will be a rich source of amusement to the readers of their journals, if they ever learn that any one promises himself so great things from education.'

It may easily be imagined how deep an impression such words made on me, as I read them in Paris, the imperial seat of tyranny, at a time when I was in a state of profound melancholy, caused by the ignominious slavery of my poor beloved country. There also I was absorbed in the perusal of Pestalozzi's work, 'How Gertrude teaches her children.' The passages of deep pathos in the book took powerful hold of my mind, the new and great ideas excited strong hopes in me; at that time I was carried away on the wings of those hopes over Pestalozzi's errors and failures, and I had not the experience which would have enabled me to detect these easily, and to examine them critically.

About the same time I read the 'Report to the Parents on the state of the Pestalozzian Institution;' it removed every doubt in my mind as to the possibility of seeing my boldest hopes realized. Hereupon, I immediately resolved to go to Yverdun, which appeared to me a green oasis, full of fresh and living springs, in the midst of the great desert of my native land, on which rested the curse of Napoleon."

At an age when most men, of his acknowledged ability and scholarship, are only thinking of securing a civil employment, which shall bring both riches and honor, Von Raumer hastened to Pestalozzi at Yverdun, where he devoted himself, for nearly two years, to a study of the principles and methods of elementary instruction, as illustrated by the great Swiss educator.

Returning from Switzerland, in May, 1810, Von Raumer accepted an appointment of regular professor at Halle, with a handsome salary; but, not finding the pleasure he anticipated in his professorial lectures, he soon after gave up the post, and proceeded to establish a private school at Nuremberg, where he strove to realize his own ideal of an educational institution. In this enterprise he was not so immediately successful as he hoped to be. In 1822 he married a daughter of Kappellmeister Reichardt, and, by the advice of his friends, he returned to academic life by accepting the appointment of professor of natural history, at Erlangen. In addition to his regular duties, he found time to prepare and deliver occasional lectures on the "History of Pedagogy from the revival of classical learning to our own time." These lectures were subsequently published in three parts-the first of which was issued in 1843. Of the origin and plan of the work the author thus speaks in the preface to the complete edition in 1846.

"This work has grown out of a series of lectures, upon the history of education,

which I delivered, in 1822, at Halle, and several years later, from 1838 to 1842, at Erlangen.

The reader may inquire, how it was that my attention was directed to this subject? If he should, it will perhaps be sufficient to say in reply, that during the thirty-one years of my professorship, I have not merely interested myself in the science to which my time was devoted, but also in its corresponding art, and this the more, because much of the instruction which I gave was additional to my regular lectures, and imparted in the way of dialogue. This method stimulated my own thoughts too, to that degree, that I was induced as early as the year 1819 to publish many didactical essays, and subsequently, a manual for instruction in Natural History. But were I called upon for a more particular explanation, it would be necessary for me to relate the many experiences of my somewhat eventful life, both from my passive years of training and instruction, and from my active years of educating and instructing others. This, however, is a theme, to which I can not do justice within the brief compass of a preface; if hereafter an opportunity shall offer, I may treat it in another place.

And yet after all, the book itself must bear testimony to the fitness of the author for his task. Of what avail is it to me, to say that I have been taught by Meierotto, Buttman, Frederick Augustus, Wolf, Steffens, Werner, Pestalozzi, and other distinguished men? When I have said all this, have I done any more than to show that the author of this book has had the very best opportunity to learn what is just and true?

My book begins with the revival of classical learning. And Germany I have had preeminently in view. Why, by way of introduction, I have given a brief history of the growth of learning in Italy from Dante to the age of Leo X., the reader will ascertain from the book itself. He will be convinced, if not at the outset, yet as he reads further, that this introduction is absolutely necessary to a correct understanding of German didactics.

A history of didactics must present the various standards of mental culture, which a nation proposes to itself during its successive eras of intellectual development, and then the modes of instruction which are adopted in each era, in order to realize its peculiar standard in the rising generation. In distinguished men that standard of culture manifests itself to us in person, so to speak, and hence they exert a controlling influence upon didactics, though they may not themselves be teachers. 'A lofty example stirs up a spirit of emulation, and discloses deeper principles to guide the judgment.'

But their action upon the intellectual culture of their countrymen has a redoubled power, when at the same time they labor directly at the work of teaching, as both Luther and Melancthon did for years. This consideration has induced me to select my characters for this history among distinguished teachers, those who were held in the highest respect by their contemporaries, and whose example was a pattern for multitudes. Such an one was John Sturm at Strasburg, a rector, who with steady gaze pursued a definite educational aim, organizing his gymnasium with the utmost skill and discernment, and carrying out what he had conceived to be the true method, with the most scrupulous care. An accurate sketch of the educational efficiency of this pattern rector, based upon original authorities, in my opinion conveys far more insight and instruction than I could hope to afford, were I to entangle myself amid fragmentary sketches of numberless ordinary schools, framed upon Sturm's plan.

Thus much in explanation of the fact that this history has taken the form of a series of biographies. And in view of the surprising differences among the characters treated of, it can not appear singular, if my sketches should be widely different in their form.

There was one thought, which I will own occasioned me abundant perplexity during my labors. If I was about to describe a man, who, I had reason to suppose, was more or less unknown to most of my readers, I went about the task with a light heart, and depicted his life and labors in their full proportions, communicating every thing which could, by any possibility, render his image clearer and more lifelike to the reader. But how different the case, when the educational efficiency of Luther is to be set forth. My readers,' I say to myself, have long been acquainted with the man, and they will not thank me for the information that he was born at Eisleben, on the 10th of November, 1483; as if they had not known this from their youth up.' I am, therefore, compelled

to omit all such particulars, and to confine myself exclusively to his educational efficiency. And yet this did not stand alone; but was for the most part united, with its entire influence, both to the church and the state. As with Luther, so also was it with Melancthon and others. Considerate readers will, hence, pardon me, I hope, when, in cases of this kind, they are not fully satisfied with my sketches. In another respect, too, I ought perhaps to solicit pardon, though I am reluctant to do so. We demand of historians an objective portraiture, especially such as shall reveal none of the personal sympathies or antipathies of the writer. Now it is proper to insist upon that truth and justice which will recognize the good qualities of an enemy, and acknowledge the faults of a friend. But free from likes and dislikes I neither am, nor do I desire to be, but, according to the dictates of my conscience and the best of my knowledge, I will signify my abhorrence of evil and my delight in good, nor will I ever put bitter for sweet or sweet for bitter. It may be, too, that a strict objectivity requires the historian never to come forward himself upon the stage, and never to express his own opinion in respect to the facts which he is called upon to chronicle. Herein he is not allowed so much freedom of action as the dramatist, who, by means either of the prologue and epilogue, or of the chorus between each of the acts, comes forward and converses with the public upon the merits of his play. Such an objectivity, likewise, I can not boast myself of; for I record my own sentiments freely where I deem it necessary. And surely will not the objectivity of history gain more by an unrestricted personal interview with the historian, at proper intervals, than by compelling him to a perpetual masquerade behind the facts and the narrative? Certainly it will, for in that case the reader discovers the character of the writer in his opinions, and knows what he himself is to expect from the narration. He likewise observes with the more readiness, where the writer, though conscientiously aiming at truth and impartiality, nevertheless betrays symptoms of human infirmity and party zeal. From a church historian, for instance, who should express his puritanical views without reserve, no intelligent reader would expect an impartial estimate of the middle ages.

Another motive also urges me to a free expression of my opinions, and that is, in order thereby to allure my readers to that close familiarity with many important educational subjects which the bare recital of facts seldom creates. If, in this history, the ideal and the methods of such different teachers are depicted, these diverse views can not but have the effect, especially those practically engaged in training the young, to induce a comparison of their own aims and procedure therewith. Sentiments that harmonize with our own give us joy, and inspire us with the pleasant consciousness that our course is the right one; differing or opposing opinions lead us to scrutinize our own course, even as were it another's; and from such scrutiny there results either perseverance based upon deeper conviction, or a change of course. I am happy to acknowledge, that this practical aim has been my chief motive in undertaking the present work, and has been uppermost in my thoughts during its prosecution.

As far as possible, I have depended on contemporaneous sources, and in part from exceedingly rare works, and such, as, for aught that I know to the contrary, in the present age, have fallen into almost total oblivion. And, for this reason, I was the more influenced to render a service to the reader, by bringing widely to his view the men and the manners of earlier centuries, through the medium of contemporaneous and characteristic quotations."

We give on the next page the Table of Contents of the three volumes of Raumer's great work, from which we shall, from time to time, transfer chapters to our pages, in such order as will give variety to the articles of the Journal.

KARL VON RAUMER, is also the author of the following works:

SCHOOL INSTRUCTION IN NATURAL SCIENCE. (Ueber der Unterricht in die Naturkunde auf Schulen.) Berlin: 1824.

DESCRIPTION OF THE EARTH'S SURFACE; AN INTRODUCTION TO GEOGRAPHY. (Beschreibung der Erdoberfläche; eine Vorschule der Erdkunde.) 3rd improved ed. Leipzig: 1838.

PALESTINE. (Palästina.) 2nd enlarged ed. Leipzig: 1838.

CONTRIBUTIONS TO BIBLICAL GEOGRAPHY. (Beitrage zu Biblische Geographie.) This is an addition to the Palästina.

GESCHICHTE DER PADAGOGIK vom wiederaufblühen klassischer studien bis unsere zeit. [History of Pedagogics, or of the Science and Art of Education, from the revival of classical studies down to our time.] By Karl von Raumer. 3 vols. Stuttgard, 2d edition, 1847.

PREFACE.

1. Middle Ages.

VOLUME I.

2. Italy, from birth of Dante to death of Petrarca and Boccaccio. 1. Dante. 2. Boccaccio. 3. Petrarca. Review of the period.

3. Development of classical studies in Italy, from death of Petrarca and Boccaccio until Leo X. 1. John of Ravenna and Emanuel Chrysoloras. 2. The educators, Guarino and Vittorino de Feltre. 3. Collection of MSS. Cosmo de Medici. Nicholas V. First printing. 4. Platonic Academy. Greek philologists. 5. Italians. Philadelphus. Poggius. Laurentius. 6. Lorenzo de Medici. Ficinus. Argyropulus.

Landinus. Politianus. Picus de Mirandola.

4. Leo X. and his time; its lights and shadows. 5. Retrospect of Italy. Transition to Germany.

6. Germans and Dutch, from Gerhardus Magnus to Luther, 1340-1483. 1. The Hieronymians. 2. John Wessel. 3. Rudolf Agricola. 4. Alexander Flegius. 5, 6. Rudolf von Lange and Herman von den Busch 7. Erasmus. 8. School at Schlettstadt. Ludwig Dringenberg. Wimpheling. Crato. Lapidus. Platter. 9. John Reuchlin. 10. Retrospect.

Reformation. Jesuits. Realism.

From Luther to the death of Bacon, 1483-1626. 1. Luther. 2. Melancthon. 3. Valentin Friedland. Trotzendorf. 4. Michal Neander. 5. John Sturm. 6. Wurtemberg. 7. Saxony. 8. Jesuits. 9. Universities. 10. Verbal Realism. 11. Francis Bacon. 12. Montaigne.

Appendix.-1. Thomas Platter. II. Melancthon's Latin grammar. III. John Sturm. VOLUME II.

New ideas and methods of education. Struggle, mutual influence, and gradual connection and exchange between the old and the new.

From Bacon's death to that of Pestalozzi. 1. The Renovators. 2. Wolfgang Ratich. 3. The Thirty Years' War. 4. Comenius. 5. The Century after the Thirty Years' War. 6. Locke. 7. A. H. Franke. 8. Real Schools. 9. Reformatory Philologists. J. M. Gesner. J. A. Ernesti. 10. J. J. Rousseau. 11. Philanthropists. 12. Hamann. 13. Herder. 14. F. A. Wolf. 15. Pestalozzi.

Appendix.-1. Wolfgang Ratich and his literature. II. Pedagogical works of Comenius. II. Interior of the Philanthropinum. IV. Pestalozzi and his literature. V. Pestalozzi's Evening Hour of a Hermit. VI. Pestalozzi on Niederer and Schmid. VII. Strangers who remained some time at Pestalozzi's institution. VIII. Rousseau and Pestalozzi.

Early childhood.

VOLUME III.

Schools for small children. School and home. Educational institutions. Tutors in families.

Instruction. 1. Religion. 2 Latin. Preface.

I. History of Latin in Christian times. Speaking Latin. Writing Latin. II. Methods of reading Latin. 1. These methods changed within the last three centuries. 2. Adversaries of the old grammatical method. 3. New methods. A. Learning Latin like the mother tongue. B. Latin and real instruction in connection. Comenius. C. Combination of A and B. D. Ratich and similar teachers.

a. Ratich.

b. Locke. c. Hamilton. d. Jacotot. e. Ruthardt. f. Meierotto. g. Jacobs. Concluding remarks.

Aphorisms on the teaching of history.
Geography.

Natural history and philosophy. Preface. 1. Difficulties. 2. Objections against this instruction in gymnasia answered. 3. Grades of natural knowledge. 4. Beginnings. 5. Science and art. 6. Mathematical instruction and elementary instruction in the knowledge of nature. 7. Instruction in mineralogy. 8. Characteristics of scholars. 9. Instruction in botany. 10. Unavoidable inconsistency. 11. "Mysteriously clear," (Goethe.) 12. Law and liberty. Concluding remarks.

Geometry.

Arithmetic.

Physical training. 1. Hygiene. 2. Hardening the body to toil and want. 3. Gymnastics. 4. Cultivation of the senses. Concluding observations.

Appendix.-I. Ruthardt's new Loci Memoriales. II. Teachers of mineralogy. III. Use of counters in the elementary instruction in arithmetic. IV. Explanation of the common abbreviated counting with cyphers.