SIR,

TO BARON DE POELLNITZ.

New York, 29 December, 1789.

I have received your letter of the 26th, and given such attention to the manuscript, which accompanied it, as my obligations to public duties would permit. I shall always be happy to see experiments in agricultural machines, which can be brought into general use. Of those in your possession I was not able to form a decided judgment, except in the instance of the horse-hoe. Of the utility of that instrument I was fully convinced. I propose to take some farther occasion of seeing the manner in which the threshingmachine operates, when you shall let me know it is in readiness for the purpose; and in the mean time, I am, with due consideration, &c.*

TO CATHARINE MACAULAY GRAHAM.

MADAM,

New York, 9 January, 1790.

Your obliging letter dated in October last has been received, and, as I do not know when I shall have more leisure than at present to throw together a few observations in return for yours, I take up my pen to do it by this early occasion.

In the first place I thank you for your congratulatory sentiments on the event, which has placed me at the head of the American government, as well as for

* The Baron de Poellnitz had a farm in the neighbourhood of New York, where he tried experiments in agriculture. He also wrote a pamphlet on the subject, and was the inventor of various agricultural machines and implements, particularly a threshing-machine and the horse-hoe.

the indulgent partiality, which it is to be feared may have warped your judgment too much in my favor. But you do me no do me no more than justice in supposing, that, if I had been permitted to indulge my first and fondest wish, I should have remained in a private station.

Although neither the present age nor posterity may possibly give me full credit for the feelings, which I have experienced on this subject, yet I have a consciousness that nothing short of an absolute conviction of duty could ever have brought me upon the scenes of public life again. The establishment of our new government seemed to be the last great experiment for promoting human happiness by a reasonable compact in civil society. It was to be in the first instance, in a considerable degree, a government of accommodation as well as a government of laws. Much was to be done by prudence, much by conciliation, much by firmness. Few, who are not philosophical spectators, can realize the difficult and delicate part, which a man in my situation had to act. All see, and most admire, the glare which hovers round the external happiness of elevated office. To me there is nothing in it beyond the lustre, which may be reflected from its connexion with a power of promoting human felicity.

In our progress towards political happiness my station is new, and, if I may use the expression, I walk on untrodden ground. There is scarcely an action, the motive of which may not be subject to a double interpretation. There is scarcely any part of my conduct, which may not hereafter be drawn into precedent. Under such a view of the duties inherent in my arduous office, I could not but feel a diffidence in myself on the one hand, and an anxiety for the community, that every new arrangement should be made

in the best possible manner, on the other. If, after all my humble but faithful endeavours to advance the felicity of my country and mankind, I may indulge a hope, that my labors have not been altogether without success, it will be the only real compensation I can receive in the closing scenes of life.

On the actual situation of this country under its new government, I will, in the next place, make a few remarks. That the government, though not actually perfect, is one of the best in the world, I have little doubt. I always believed, that an unequivocally free and equal representation of the people in the legislature, together with an efficient and responsible executive, was the great pillar on which the preservation of American freedom must depend. It was indeed next to a miracle, that there should have been so much unanimity in points of such importance among such a number of citizens, so widely scattered, and so different in their habits in many respects, as the Americans were. Nor are the growing unanimity and increasing good will of the citizens to the government less remarkable, than favorable circumstances. So far as we have gone with the new government, (and it is completely organized and in operation,) we have had greater reason, than the most sanguine could expect, to be satisfied with its success. Perhaps a number of accidental circumstances has concurred with the real effects of the government to make the people uncommonly well pleased with their situation and prospects. The harvests of wheat have been remarkably good, the demand for that article from abroad is great, the increase of commerce is visible in every port, and the number of new manufactures introduced in one year is astonishing. I have lately made a tour through the eastern States. I found the country in a great de

gree recovered from the ravages of war; the towns flourishing, and the people delighted with a government instituted by themselves, and for their own good. The same facts I have also reason to believe, from good authority, exist in the southern States.

By what I have just observed, I think you will be persuaded, that the ill-boding politicians, who prognosticated that America never would enjoy any fruits from her independence, and that she would be obliged to have recourse to foreign power for protection, have at least been mistaken. I shall sincerely rejoice to see, that the American revolution has been productive of happy consequences on both sides of the Atlantic. The renovation of the French constitution is indeed one of the most wonderful events in the history of mankind, and the agency of the Marquis de Lafayette in a high degree honorable to his character. My greatest fear has been, that the nation would not be sufficiently cool and moderate in making arrangements for the security of that liberty, of which it seems to be fully possessed.*

* From Mrs. Graham's Reply.—"The present system of American government contains all those principles, which have been regarded as capable of resisting every hostile influence arising either from force or seduction. I once thought, that such a system of government would be invulnerable; as your Excellency must have perceived, if you have ever read a political tract of mine addressed to Paoli, the Corsican general. It is true, that, in that sketch of a democratical government, I endeavoured to keep out corruption by enforcing a general rotation; but I must acknowledge to you, that the corruptions, which have crept into our legislature since the revolution, with the wise caution used by the French patriots in the rules to which they have subjected their National Assembly, have led me to alter my opinion; and this alteration of opinion inclines me to fear, that ill consequences may arise from vesting the legislative body with the power of establishing offices, of regulating the quantum of their salaries, and of enjoying themselves the emoluments arising from such establishments. I should have thought it safer to have made them incapable of holding at least any civil office whilst they were members of the legislature. Those, who have studied mankind with the

Mr. Warville, the French gentleman you mention, has been in America and at Mount Vernon, but has returned some time since to France. Mrs. Washington is well, and desires her compliments may be presented to you. We wish the happiness of your fireside, as we also long to enjoy that of our own at Mount Vernon. Our wishes, you know, were limited, and I think that our plan of living will now be deemed reasonable by the considerate part of our species. Her wishes coincide with my own, as to simplicity of dress, and every thing which can tend to support propriety of character, without partaking of the follies of luxury and ostentation. I am with great regard, &c.

greatest attention, find that there is no depending on their virtue, except where all corrupting motives are put out of their way. "I see also that you have followed the example of the parent state, in dividing your legislature into an upper and a lower House. I once thought, that this was the only method of obtaining the result of deliberate counsels; but I at present am of opinion, that the French have effectually secured themselves from the return of aristocracy in their government, by confining the legislature to one equal assembly, and committing the office of approving laws to the King and the people. May not your upper House in length of time acquire some distinction, which may lay the grounds for political inequality among you? A circumstance, which never ought to take place in a society of freemen. The Americans, free from every part of the feudal tenure, and the unjust distinctions of primogeniture, found it easy, when they had shaken off the yoke of England, to form and regulate a popular government; but, from the circumstance of always having been exempt from the evils of aristocracy, they may not have the same principles of aversion to such pretensions planted in their minds, as now happily exist among the French. They may also have regarded with admiration instead of disgust the splendor of European society, and mistaken the insolence and ostentation of a few citizens for national dignity."— June, 1790.