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"It is necessary to look after them, though," observed another; "they misrepresent one confoundedly, sometimes. Why, there was a speech of mine reported the other day with scarcely one word like the original!"

"Perhaps it was none the worse for that," remarked Lord Hewiston. "Surely," he added, sotto voce, to his neighbour, "if any one has cause to look kindly on the newspapers, it is poor Hubert. Report his speeches, indeed! why, they have to make them up for him. Once or twice, after hearing him in the House, and trying to make out what he was driving at, I have amused myself, by comparing the next morning my confused recollections of what he did say, with the very concise and logical summary, in black and white, of what he might have been supposed to have intended.”

Meanwhile each was looking over his own favourite journal, while Mr. Copan, now in his element, found fault with one and all.

Lord Hewiston turned to his friend. "What can induce you to take all these papers, Charles? The Tory ones, for instance-you don't believe a word they say; and if they speak of you, it is only to abuse you."

"Does not this show, now," cried Arbridge, "how intolerant you all are? Each likes his own

party papers, and no other. Well, I do the same, and I like them all!"

"You are of all parties, then?"

"My party is, you know, the great multitude. I am anxious to study their opinions, and here alone I am sure to find them. The House of Commons may embody the power of the people, but the Press, most certainly, represents their feelings. None of your Whig or Tory papers, alone, could do so; but taken collectively, I do believe, those four or five sheets there afford a fair estimate of the sentiments of the whole country."

"They take very one-sided views, though."

"And so do a great many people. There is always something to be said on both sides. Look at any great question in agitation-here we find a glowing account of its many virtues, while there we have only a catalogue of its as numerous faults. I can readily believe that those, who only regard one side, may become far more prejudiced than before-but study both. Study all accounts. They are worth considering; they are an echo to the thoughts of many. But I'll not tire you with my opinions: you would rather read for yourselves. Here, Mr. Copan, I'm sure if nothing else will please you, a paper must."

"You are mistaken, Mr. Arbridge; there are few things I so thoroughly disapprove of and despise. The public press, indeed!-a public nuisance and disgrace. Upholding the most sacred principles, for filthy lucre, and railing against those same principles, for the same object-abusing the best and most virtuous-praising the vile and dishonest, the only good thing they do, is to abuse and annoy one another

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The grumbler was here interrupted by a general murmur of indignation-interrupted, but not silenced. "You disagree with me," he continued. "Of course you do; yet you know I speak the truth; you cannot contradict a single assertion!"

"I accept your challenge," exclaimed Arbridge, "I contradict them all! You speak of the Press, not individually, but as a body; and as such, I must say, I regard it as one of the chief blessings of the country-a strong pillar of the constitution-a safeguard of liberty. It acts with twofold power; exposing to the people the conduct of their rulers, and exhibiting to these the opinions of those they rule. The mind of the multitude, in a country like ours, exercises immense influence upon the actions of the Government; but how could this be effected without the Press? The people must then band together, to make them

selves heard-right and reason would soon give way to the force of numbers; and they would either by threats obtain compliance with the most arbitrary demands, or be themselves coerced into servile submission. How different is it now! We do not threaten, we convince.

"The power of thought-the magic of the mind"

is ours-insensible in progress, invincible in effect. Public grievances are exposed in the most public manner. A great arena is thrown open, where all questions may be canvassed, all arguments brought forward, all opinions promulgated;-right and wrong stand on their own merits, each attacked and defended with all the force of eloquence, and all the power of logic. Things may be bad enough, but thus undermined, no great abuse can long endure. Or look from public to individual wrongs, and here, indeed, is the great efficacy of the press made apparent. It seems to me, like that mysterious sympathy which connects the members of our own frame:-an injury inflicted on one part affects the whole, and so a private wrong by this electric influence becomes public.—It is proclaimed far and wide, and the whole body politic thrills with indignation. The Press thus serves as a connecting link, uniting all

in mutual co-operation: it puts a tongue' in every social wound, 'to raise the very stones to mutiny'! Equally important is its other officerevealing to the people the doings of their rulers. Here what an incalculable advantage is it!-see how Ministers are influenced by it, and what a check it holds on politicians! All their shortcomings are terribly apparent,

“ All their faults observed,

Set in a note-book, learned and conned by rote,
To cast into their teeth."

It is a power to which the proudest must submit, and before which the boldest tremble. A man must indeed be careful of his words and votes, when he knows they will be examined and weighed and investigated, not only by his constituents, but the whole public. What a restraint is it from wrong-what an incentive to do right! And what a stimulus to eloquence is the thought, that our words will not die upon the air, or be applauded only by our listeners. In a few hours they will spread through the length and breadth of the land-they will be despatched to all parts of the world! They will be read and studied by thousands-perhaps admired and praised. They may gain the approval of the wise, they may inspire confidence to the suffering; they may even win

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