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ple on the fifteenth of December, and by them approved, by a very large majority men of all parties voting.

Such, in brief, is the history of the constitutional movement in Kansas; and, if this is a party movement, it is difficult to see in what way a constitution can be framed and adopted not open to this charge. If the people or any other portion of them failed to participate, it was their own fault, and not the fault of those who were active. Democrats, Hards and Softs, Whigs, Hunkers and Liberals, Republicans, Pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery men of all shades participated in the formation of the state government, and if it be a party movement at all, it certainly cannot be a movement of one party alone. In a republican government, the majority has no power to compel the minority to vote on any question; neither has the minority a right to object to the action of the majority, because they did not choose to act with them.

The President says: "No principle of public law, no practice or precedent under the constitution of the United States, no rule of reason, right or common sense, confers any such power as that now claimed by a mere party in the territory. In fact, what has been done is of a revolutionary character. It will become treasonable insurrection if it reach the length of organized resistance by force to the fundamental or any other federal law, and to the authority of the general government."

"No principle of public law"? What is the principle of squatter sovereignty, then? "No precedent"? What did Michigan, California, and other new states do? "No rule of reason, right, or common sense"? Is popular sovereignty unreasonable, unjust and nonsensical? Suppose the party comprise an overwhelming majority of the people, what then?

James Christian, Esq., a very honorable and high-minded pro-slavery gentleman, writes to a friend in Kentucky as follows: "I believe I informed you before that I have been appointed clerk of this (Douglas) county, under the territorial Legislature; but we are in such a horrible state of confusion in regard to the laws that it don't pay anything. The free-soilers are in a large majority in the territory, and they are determined to pay no regard to the laws; consequently they will not sue nor have any recording done, so my office is only in name. It is the same all over the territory."

According to the President, this "large majority" can have no rights, because they happen to think alike on a certain subject, or belong to the same "party." It was formerly a principle of democracy that the majority - especially "large majorities "—should rule; but times must have changed.

If this" large majority" persist in setting in motion a state government, it will be "treasonable." It was not so, however, in Michigan, California, and other states. But the people of Kansas do not propose to reach the point of "organized resistance by force to the fundamental or any other federal law, and to the authority of the general goverment," unless our

state,

whose constitution clearly embraces a republican form of govern ment, is excluded from the Union because its domestic institutions may not in all respects, comport with the ideas of what is wise and expedient, entertained in another state."

If our state "be absolutely excluded from admission therein, that fact of itself (may) constitute the disruption of union between it and the other states. But the process of dissolution could not stop there," and we should have the chief executive on our side in such an event. But no such result is to be anticipated. When the President fully understands our case, he can do no less than withdraw his recommendation for an enabling act to form another constitution, and Congress will admit us without delay.

Also we have confidence that no attempt will be made by the federal authorities to enforce the enactments of a foreign Legislature upon the people of Kansas. Mr. Christian, the pro-slavery clerk of Douglas County, says, the people of Missouri came into the territory on the thirtieth of March last, "bearing with them their peculiar institutions-bowie-knives, pistols and whiskey to the amount of five or six thousand, carried the election by storm, and elected every pro-slavery candidate that was in the field, by overwhelming majorities, thus securing every member of Council and House of Representatives, in some instances driving from their seats the judges appointed by the governor, and placing judges from their own number in their stead, who paid no regard to the instructions of the executive," etc.

It cannot be that the President, after permitting the people of another state to take from the legal voters their constitutional and organic rights, will add to the outrage by compelling the people of Kansas to submit to their authority and obey their enactments. It is bad enough to be deprived of the right to make laws for ourselves, but it is worse to be compelled to submit to the laws of those who deprived us of that right. Although there has been and there will be no organized resistance to the self-styled territorial Legislature, yet nine men out of every ten spurn it with contempt as a gross outrage upon American citizens, and it is highly proper for the General Assembly to memorialize Congress upon this subject, as with reference to the admission of the state into the Union.

The President apologizes for the frequent invasions of Kansas, on the ground that some northern people talked about the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and subjects connected with the extension of negro bondage, and because an emigrant aid association had been formed.

The people of this country have been in the habit of talking about the affairs of government ever since the Mayflower discharged her cargo on Plymouth Rock, but this is the first time that it has been considered an apology for the invasion of a distant state or territory. If the people of Kansas were accountable for the loquacity of the North or the silence of the South, the case might be different.

Emigrant aid associations are nothing new in the United States. When

California was first opened to settlement the same kind of associations were formed, with only this difference in one case, each party had an agent of its own for the purpose of procuring tickets, arranging details, &c. ; while, in the other, all the parties have a common agent. There is, however, connected with the aid society for Kansas emigrants, a stock company, for the purpose of erecting mills, hotels, etc., in the new country; but the agent of this society will purchase tickets for a slave-holder as soon as for a free-state man, and the investments are for the benefit of all settlers alike. No questions are asked, and no distinctions are made.

Had the President visited Western Missouri before any aid society had been formed at the East, he might have found a secret, oath-bound association, pledged to make Kansas a slave state, peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must. This society has been in active operation since its inception, and now threatens to deluge Kansas with the blood of American citizens, for the crime of preferring a free to a slave state.

Also, it is only necessary to read a few southern journals to see accounts in different parts of the South, not of emigrant aid societies, but of Emigrant buying or hiring societies, which do not simply procure tickets for the emigrants, at cost, irrespective of party or condition, but which pay the fare and expenses of the right kind of emigrants, and support them in Kansas one year, more or less. However it may be, the "king can do no wrong," although it may be wrong for the common people to do as the king does.

The people of Kansas will not object to aid societies, whether North or South, so long as they treat all parties alike. Emigrants from all parts of the country are received with a hearty welcome, and the investment of capital, whether eastern or western, northern or southern, is greatly needed.

The settlers of Kansas have suffered severe losses and injury from repeated invasions from a neighboring state, and it is highly proper that Congress be memorialized upon this subject. Especially should the general government repair the injury it has inflicted. All the invasions have been permitted by the officers of the government, without any opposition, while at least one was invited by them. It is the duty of the federal government to protect infant territories in their rights; but Kansas has not only not been protected, but it has been actually oppressed by those whose duty it was to defend it.

It is unjust to any community to send among them officers, with government patronage, whose political sentiments are opposed to the sentiments of the people, particularly when those officers mount the stump and shoulder the rifle for the purpose of crushing out all who differ from them. Some of the federal officers of Kansas are charged with undignified conduct, and one of them, at least, with high crimes; and it is the duty of the Legislature to memorialize the President, that our citizens may be protected in their lives

and inalienable rights, and from unwarrantable interference of officials in the management of their internal affairs. It is manifestly improper for the federal officers to dictate into, or out of Kansas, an institution over which Congress professes to have no authority.

It is understood that the deputy marshal has private instructions to arrest the members of the Legislature, and the state officers, for treason, as soon as this address is received by you. In such an event, of course, no resistance will be offered to the officer. Men who are ready to defend their own and their country's honor with their lives, can never object to a legal investigation into their actions, nor to suffer any punishment their conduct may merit. We should be unworthy the constituency we represent, did we shrink even from martyrdom on the scaffold, or at the stake, should duty require it. Should the blood of Collins and Dow, of Barber and Brown, be insufficient to quench the thirst of the President and his accomplices, in the hollow mockery of" squatter sovereignty" they are practising upon the people of Kansas, then more victims must be furnished. Let what will come, not a finger should be raised against the federal authority, until there shall be no hope of relief but in revolution.

The task imposed upon us is a difficult one; but with mutual coöperation, and a firm reliance on His wisdom who makes "the wrath of man praise him," we may hope to inaugurate a government that shall not be unworthy of the country and the age in which we live.

TOPEKA, March 4th, 1856.

C. ROBINSON.

CHARGE OF THE BORDER-RUFFIAN BRIGADE.

From the New York Evening Post.

"OUR forces amounted to eight hundred strong. *** When we first reached Lawrence not a human being could be seen. In about an hour there gathered, in the streets, in front of the hotel, some hundred and fifty men. ***When they agreed to surrender, our men were marched down in front of the town, and one cannon planted on their own battlements. Cannon were brought in front of the house, and directed their destructive blows upon the walls; the building caught on fire, and soon its walls came with a crash to the ground. Thus fell the abolition fortress!"—Lecompton (border ruffian) Union, the editor of which was one of the gallant eight hundred.

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