ATTITUDE OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN 191 ship of the party; yet the party itself, in its national platform, demanded neither the repeal nor amendment of the Federal statute. Again, there were men, prominent in its counsels, who, like Salmon P. Chase, frankly acknowledged that the provision of the constitution requiring the return of fugitive slaves, and the statute of the Federal Government carrying this clause into effect, would not be respected by one great element of the party and of the Northern people. On the other hand, Mr. Lincoln, who defeated him for the nomination to the Presidency, had counselled compliance with the requirements of the constitution and the law. Time and again he pointed out that it was the duty of citizens, and above all of public officials, to observe the obligations of the constitution with respect to this matter. "Stand with the Abolitionist in restoring the Missouri Compromise, and stand against him when he attempts to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law," was his declaration at Peoria, Illinois, October 16th, 1858.1 While a member of Congress, Mr. Lincoln had, on the 16th of January, 1849, introduced a bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, with the consent of its voters and with compensation to the slaveholders. The fifth section of this bill provided: "The municipal authorities of Washington and Georgetown, within their respective jurisdictional limits, are hereby empowered and required to provide active and efficient means to arrest and deliver up to their owners all fugitive slaves escaping into said district.' It was because of the authorship of this proposed Fugitive 'Abraham Lincoln, Speeches, Letters and State Papers, N. & H., Vol. I, p. 202. 'Abraham Lincoln, Speeches, Letters and State Papers, N. & H., Vol. I, p. 148. 192 ATTITUDE OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN Slave Law, that, upon his nomination to the Presidency, Wendell Philips denounced him, through the columns of The Liberator, as "the Slave Hound of Illinois." In his inaugural address, after alluding to what he terms "the plainly written" clause of the constitution relating to fugitive slaves, he declared: "It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call 'fugitive slaves' and the intention of the law giver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole constitution-to this provision as much as any other. To the proposition then that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause 'shall be delivered up' their oaths are unanimous. . "There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by National or by state authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should any one, in any case, be content that his oath should go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?" 'William Lloyd Garrison, by his children, Vol. III, p. 503. XXVII STATUS OF THE CONTROVERSY REGARDING SLAVERY, AT THE TIME VIRGINIA SECEDED FROM THE UNION (Concluded) WITH 'respect to the institution of slavery, itself, in the Southern States, the position of the Republican Party, as a party, was even more reassuring. The platform of the party, upon which Mr. Lincoln was elected President, gave the most explicit assurance of the purpose of the incoming Administration to refrain from any interference with slavery, in the states where it was recognized by law. "The maintenance inviolate," declared that platform, "of the rights of the states, and especially of each state, to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend." Mr. Lincoln was nominated chiefly because of his conservative position with respect to slavery, over his more conspicuous opponents, Seward and Chase, who were defeated because of their more radical anti-slavery utter ances. While never concealing his strong antipathy to the institution, Mr. Lincoln always declared his regard for the constitutional rights of slaveholders, in the states where slavery existed. Time and again, he said, "I have no pur 'From Platform of National Republican Party, Chicago Convention, May, 1860. 193 194 REPUBLICAN PARTY AND SLAVERY pose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." After his election, Mr. Lincoln, under date of December 22, 1860, wrote to Alexander H. Stephens, "Do the people of the South really entertain fears that a Republican administration would directly or indirectly interfere with the slaves, or with them about the slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and I still hope not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears." The charge is often made that, despite the platform of the Republican Party and the ante-election pledges of its candidate, the people of the South were convinced that, with its advent to power, a movement for the abolition of slavery would be inaugurated; and that, because of this fear, the Cotton States seceded from the Union. No such charge can be made with respect to Virginia. Over two months before her secession, the Republican Party, as we have seen, acquired control of both branches of Congress, and immediately proceeded to allay any such apprehensions by the adoption of resolutions and the enactment of laws of the most ultra pro-slavery type. In January, 1861, a series of resolutions was adopted by the Senate and the House of Representatives, among which was one declaring that Congress recognized, 'Slavery as now existing in fifteen of the United States, by the usages and laws of those states, and we recognize no authority, legal or otherwise, outside of a state where it exists, to interfere with slaves or slavery in such states. 'From President Lincoln's Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861. 'Causes of the Civil War, Chadwick, p. 143. 'Lincoln and Slavery, Arnold, p. 695. PRO-SLAVERY ATTITUDE OF CONGRESS 195 In February, 1861, the House of Representatives adopted a resolution with but four dissenting votes wherein it was declared, "that neither the Federal Government, nor the people, have a purpose or a constitutional right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in any of the states of the Union." "Resolved, That those persons in the North who do not subscribe to the foregoing propositions are too insignificant in numbers and influence to excite the serious attention or alarm of any portion of the people of the Republic." Following these resolutions both Houses of Congress adopted by the necessary two-thirds vote, a joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Federal Constitution, as follows: Article 13. "No amendment shall be made to the constitution which shall authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish, or to interfere within any state, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said state." This amendment passed the House of Representatives February 28, 1861, by a vote of one hundred and thirtythree to sixty-five, and the Senate on the 2nd of March, 1861, by a vote of twenty-four to twelve. Ohio and Maryland promptly ratified this proposed amendment to the constitution, but the outbreak of the Civil War brought the movement to a close." In his inaugural address, President Lincoln reiterated his previous pledges and expressed his approval of the movement to adopt the amendment to the constitution 'Idem, p. 695. 'Story on the Constitution, Story, Vol. II, p. 670, Note 2. |