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THE

ANNUAL REGISTER,

For the YEAR 1793.

THE

HISTORY

OF

EUROP
O PE.

CHAP. I.

Conduct of France. Opening of the Scheldt. The French Decree of Fraternity. Clubs and Societies of Republicans and Levellers. Associations formed to counteract them in London and every part of the Kingdom. Militia embodied. Parliament summoned. Internal condition of France. Diminution of the Party in Opposition. Speech from the Throne. The Address moved. Debate on the Address, in the House of Commons and House of Lords. Debate in the House of Commons on bringing up the Report of the Address. The Motion of Mr. Fox for sending a Minister to negociate with France. Debate on that Motion. General Reflections.

WE

E now approach the period when Great-Britain relinquished its neutral character, and became a party in the war that had traversed the Austrian Netherlands, and threatened the dominions of the United Provinces.

The zeal with which the French Convention propagated revolution

ary principles; the emissaries which it encouraged in this country; the connection it had formed with certain political societies established in London; and the manner in which deputies from them had been received at their har, had already, it was alleged, excited the vigilance of the British government, [B]

and

and compelled it to employ such measures as the important and extraordinary circumstances of the country appeared to demand: that, at length, however, France, disdaining to continue its base and artful designs against the constitution and government of Great-Britain, or despairing of any final advantage being reaped from them, had risen at once into an avowed intention of provoking it to war, and that in this view, among others, it was determined by the executive power of France, to set aside the law of nations, and to trample on treaties, by declaring not only its design, but its right, to open the navigation of the Scheldt. It was added, that the French had already obtained possession of the Belgic Provinces by force of arms, and were impelled by their mad ambition to encroach on Holland, with a view to a similar subjugation of that country: that the Convention, therefore, as a preparatory step to this continuation of their aggrandizing project, had made known in November 1792, their design of opening the Scheldt, in direct opposition to treaties of which England was a guarantee, and to the manifest disadvantage of the commerce of the United Provinces, who were the allies of England, to whom they naturally looked for that protection, which they had a right to demand.

It was further declared, that the French Convention also, as a kind of general declaration against all subsisting governments, had, on the 19th of November, issued a decree in the name of the French Republic, "that they would grant fraternity and assistance to all those

people who wish to procure liberty; and they charged their generals to give assistance to such people, and to defend such citizens as have suffered, or are now suffering, in the cause of liberty." This decree, which was ordered to be printed and translated in all the languages of Europe, contained a formal declaration to extend universally the new and destructive principles of government adopted in France, and to encourage revolt in all other countries; even in those which possessed the exclusive sanctions of a neutral character.

The alarm of danger which had been spread throughout this kingdom, not only to the public peace, but the constitution itself, began to yield to the means which were now employed to unfold and controul those practices by which it had been produced. It was said to have arisen from the pernicious principles of the rights of man, first propagated by the French, and since disseminated through this country that under various pretences, but particularly that of parliamentary reform, clubs and societies were established, which met in various parts of the kingdom, and circulated the doctrines of the French Convention, among the middle and lower classes of the people, to make them discontented with the government beneath which they lived, and those who administered it: that thus they hoped to prepare their minds for any attempt that might be hereafter made to overturn the government of the country: that in some of these works, which artifice contrived to convey into the lowest cottage, the constitution was mention

ed with some degree of distant respect, but represented as lost amid the abuses of those whose duty it was to administer its benefits: while others described the constitution of Great-Britain, which had so long been the admiration and envy of Europe, and afforded such unrivalled happiness to those who had lived beneath it, as an invasion of those rights, to which every one had an equal claim, and of which the wealthy and the powerful assumed the power of disposing, under the pretence of ancient custom and hereditary privilege.

That such preceedings required to be checked, controuled and punished, could not be denied by any who possess just notions of the nature of man in his social state; and therefore government employed such measures as appeared to be the best calculated to correct this growing and threatening mischief. His Majesty's proclamation, and the vigilant attention of ministers, checked its career. But though the arm of law is sufficiently strong to keep the open invader of the constitution in awe, it was not altogether enabled to sift out the secret arts which were working under ground, and by hidden approaches were undermining the fabric of public happiness. It became necessary therefore to aid the more unwieldy efforts of law in counteracting the operations of these secret enemies, by employing their own weapons against them. Accordingly, in November last, an association was instituted at the Crown and Anchor-tavern in the Strand. This measure was first, we believe,

suggested, we know it was first entered upon by a Mr. Reeves, for the avowed purpose of protecting liberty and property against the daring attempts of republicans and levellers, which immediately encreased into a very numerous body of subscribers, among whom were many respectable characters in the kingdom. The merchants of London followed the example; and associations, for the support of the constitution, sprung up, not only in different quarters of the metropolis, but in every part of the kingdom. The effects of these associations were such as might be expected from the spirit and zeal with which they were conducted and maintained; but we must defer a precise description of them till we come to that period of our history which will particularly require it. It was, however, deemed necessary to take some general notice of these establishments as being preliminary to, and co-operative with, those measures of government which the circumstances of the moment appeared to demand, and these pages are about to display.

These circumstances were of such a nature, that the King availed himself of the power he possessed by law, to embody the militia, to convene parliament before the time to which it was prorogued, and to call on the representative wisdom of the people for aid and council in such an important crisis.

From the memorable 10th of August, when Louis XVI. lost the poor remains of former power, to the period when he was about to lose his life, the interior government of France offered nothing to [B 2]

the

the view of mankind but scenes of atrocity and horror, that make humanity shudder in the recollection of them. But though republican fanaticism might triumph in these proceedings; though it might delight in the murder of one sove reign, and applaud the menaces which were uttered against every other, the wise, the good, and the humane of all countries, could not but execrate the conduct of the French government, and consider with horror the mischief it portended to surrounding nations. Visionary men, whose heated fancies can work up imaginary good. from the blackest seenes of human distress; or those who, ruined by their excesses, may hope to derive individual advantage from general confusion; or mischievous spirits, who consider evil as their good, could alone delight in the view of those pictures which France presented, to satisfy their frantic hopes, or their diabolic malignity.

Among the circumstances of this eventful period, we cannot omit noticing the change which took place in the state of the opposition party. Some of its most distinguished supporters imagining that this was a time of alarm and danger, when all party spirit should subside, when all party contentions should cease, and when all men of all parties should unite to support the government of the country, considered our external as well as internal enemies, to be of a species which had never yet been encountered; and that no weapon could so effectually oppose their diabolic designs as an unanimous

and determined spirit of resistance. Such was the general state of public affairs at the meeting of parliament which took place on the 13th of December, 1792. This meeting of parliament, therefore, will be distinguished by two extraordinary circumstances. Some of those members of both houses who had been for years the opponents of government, will be seen to support its measures not only with their votes but their eloquence; and the prime minister will not possess a seat in it. Mr. Pitt having accepted the office of warden of the Cinque Ports, was obliged to wait for the forms of re-election; so that the very important debates, of which some account will be immediately given, did not receive the advantage of his superior talents and splendid eloquence.

The speech from the throne declared, that his Majesty having judged it necessary to embody a part of the militia, he had called the parliament together within the time limited for that purpose. It attributed these measures to seditious practices that had already been discovered, and a spirit of tumult and disorder that had shewn itself in such acts of riot and insurrection, as to require the interposition of a military force to support the civil magistrate. It continued to mention, that the industry employed to excite discontent, on various pretexts, and in different parts of the kingdom, appeared to proceed from a design to attempt the destruction of our happy constitution, and the subversion of all order and government; and that this design has evidently

evidently been pursued in connection and concert with persons in foreign countries.

His Majesty declared, that he had observed a strict neutrality in the present war, on the Continent, and uniformly abstained from any interference with respect to the internal affairs of France; but that it was impossible for him to see, without the most serious uneasiness, the strong and encreasing indications which appeared there, of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and to pursue views of conquest and aggrandisement, as well as to adopt, towards his allies, the States-General, measures which are neither conformable to the law of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of existing treaties. Under all these circumstances, he felt it to be his indispensable duty to have recourse to those means of prevention and internal defence with which he was entrusted by law; and that he had also thought it right to take steps for making some augmentation of his naval and military force, being persuaded that these exertions were necessary in the present state of affairs, and were best calculated both to maintain internal tranquillity, and to render a firm and temperate conduct effectual for preserving the blessings of peace.

In the conclusion of the speech, his Majesty expressed the great pleasure he felt in mentioning the brilliant successes of the British arms in India, under the able conduct of Marquis Cornwallis, which had led to the termination of the war, by an advantageous

and honourable peace; and which, from their tendency, promised to secure the future tranquillity of the British dominions in that part of the world. After directing the attention of parliament to such measures as might appear necessary for the future government of those valuable possessions, and to secure the important advantages which might be derived from thence to the commerce and revenue of this country,

The speech concluded with recommending to parliament to adopt such measures as might be necessary, under the present circumstances, of enforcing obedience to the laws, and for repressing every attempt to disturb the peace and tranquillity of these kingdoms.

"In endeavouring (added his Majesty) to preserve and to transmit to posterity the inestimable blessings which, under the favour of Providence, you have yourselves experienced, you may be assured of my zealous and cordial co-operation; and our joint efforts will, I doubt not, be rendered completely effectual, by the decided support of a free and loyal people."

The address was moved by sir James Saunderson, the lord-mayor of London.

In his speech, the right hon. magistrate particularly stated, that the seditious practices which had been considerably checked by his Majesty's proclamation at the close of the last session, were renewed with augmented force. That numerous societies being established within the city of London, corresponding and confederating with other societies in different parts of the united kingdoms, all formed

under

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