ence of the jacobin club of Manchester, and the jacobin club of Paris. Did any man believe that they would hesitate to bring an army into the heart of this country, if they thought themselves safe in so doing. Thus, from all circumstances, minute in themselves, but of the most serious importance, when combined, it would appear, that the alarm was not fictitious, but real. Mr. Windham concluded by declaring, that Ministers had acted right in calling out the militia.

Mr. Grey regretted the necessity he was under of opposing the hon. gentleman who had spoken last, while he supported an adminisration, whose uniform bad conduct was still more aggravated by their present measures. The situation of danger, in which the country was at present placed, arose not from the combinations of levellers and republicans, who, he believed, were but few in number, and still less formidable; not from any riots which had originated from circumstances purely local; not from any insurrections.the existence of which had been attached to no particular spot; but the danger arose from the measures of ministers, which had shaken the pillars of the public security, which had threatened our commerce with the most fatal consequences from a war, and which had ever been attended with a still more serious evil, by introducing a practice hostile to the principles of the constitution itself. The hon. gentleman who had spoke last, had not made the distinction between alarm and danger. He had mistaken his own apprehensions for the danger of which he was afraid. He was ready to allow, that writ

ings of a certain tendency had been circulated in great profusion, in consequence of the very means which had been taken to suppress them; but the seditious effects which these writings were stated to have had upon the minds of the people, he completely denied. He did not believe the minds of the people to be so perverse as to be disaffected to a constitution from which they enjoyed so many blessings. Their natural good sense would prevent them from adopting any doctrines subversive of that constitution. He was not a friend to Paine's doctrines, but he was not to be deterred by a name from acknowledging that he considered the Rights of Man as the foundation of every government, and those who stood out against these rights as conspirators against the people. He then entered into a detail of the conduct of ministers, particularly in raising the late alarm, and concluded with comparing, as Mr. Fox had already done, the delusions of the popish plot in the reign of Charles the Second, to the impressions produced by those alarms, which ministers had taken so much pains to excite.

Mr. Dundas could not refrain from expressing his astonishment at what he had heard that night respecting universal liberty, and the unlimited right of discussion. He allowed, indeed, that reasoning to be fair, which stated, if there existed discontents in consequence of grievances, that the proper method of getting rid of those discontents was, to remove the grievances which afforded ground of complaint. But what conduct could

be

be adopted, when the complaint was not concerning any particular grievance existing in the constitution, when the redress demanded was not to be accomplished by any partial remedy; but when the constitution itself was held out as a grievance, and nothing less was aimed at than a total subversion of the present system of government. In this case, he asked, was it not proper for ministers to use every means in their power to prevent seditious notions from being instilled into the minds of the lower classes, and to guard them from discontents which might be attended with such fatal consequences? In consequence of the pernicious doctrines which had been disseminated with so much industry and artifice, the lower classes had been impressed with an idea of liberty and equality, not flowing from the privileges of the constitution; but on the principle that one man is as good as another, and that there ought to be no distinction of claims, since the rights of all men were founded on the same basis. Nay, it has not only been proposed to confound distinctions, but to invade the rights of property, and establish an equal division of possession among all the members of the community. It has also been asserted, that the time was come for the people to assert their own rights, and to follow the example which France had given them.

These were facts, which he stated directly, either from his own observation, or information; and would any one afterwards pretend to assert, that there was no ground for alarm, or to deny the existence of danger? It had been said that

the effect of the proclamation had heen to circulate more extensively writings of a seditious nature. He would not deny that nothing was more favourable to the success of any work than to render it an object of public curiosity, and that from this cause the very means taken to suppress a publication had often a direct contrary effect. But this had not been the case in the present instance; the people would never have heard of Paine's work, in consequence of the proclamation, if the utmost art and industry had not been used by those who first promoted that publication, to circulate it among them.

At

The only subject of debate this evening, was the existence of that alarm which had been stated to prevail in the country. This alarm had been represented as not founded in any real danger, but merely a device of ministry to answer their own purposes. And here he could not help adverting to the different and contradictory charges brought against ministers, as suited the present views of those gentlemen who were hostile to their measures. one time they were completely vilified, and represented, so far from having any weight in the country, as disregarded and contemned, as distrusted in their measures, and incapable of giving any impression to the public sentiment. At another time, they were described as having in their hands the whole opinions of the people, as capable to give them any direction they chose, and convert them to any use which might suit the object of their temporary policy, and on this ground it was that they were described as having created the late alarm. But

he

he appealed to the members coming from the country, and who had opportunities to be acquainted with the situation of the public mind, to declare from their own observation and experience, whether such an alarm had not existed previous to the issuing of the proclamation for calling out the militia, and summoning the attendance of parliament. The fact was, that an universal and most serious alarm had been excited among the country gentlemen, farmers, &c. and some active measures were necessary on the part of government, in order to restore confidence to the country, and prevent the dangers which threatened its sucurity.

The National Convention had shewn themselves disposed to countenance every complaint of grievances from the factious and discontented in this country; in proof of which Mr. Dundas read addresses that they had received with great applause from several societies in different parts of this kingdom. Was not this then, he asked, a time tor just alarm, when persons wished to subvert the constitution in conjunction with foreign powers, and when so many appeared to be anxious to exchange the liberty of the British constitution, for the mad and ruinous licentiousness of France? After stating that the sole view of France was the aggrandisement of its dominions, he supported that opinion by the conduct of the French, respecting Savoy, Geneva, and the Netherlands. He then contended, that the interest and honour of this country equally required that we should protect Holland; and while he prayed that war might be averted, he should

He

consider it not only as justifiable, but absolutely necessary, if France continued to interpose in concert with the factious of this country to subvert the constitution. then proceeded to describe the ferment that had appeared in various shapes in different parts of the kingdom, and considered ministers as fully justified in the measures which they had adopted at this important and alarming period.

Mr. Sheridan contended, that if there were, in reality, any seditious persons in this country, who wished to overturn the constitution, their numbers were as small as their designs were detestable. Ministers themselves had created the alarm; and it was the duty of that house, before they should proceed farther, to go into an enquiry respecting the circumstances which were alleged as the ground of that alarm. Ought they to rely upon the information of ministers, or act in consequence of that information, when there was reason to think that they themselves had forged the plot. He hoped it was not understood, that those who rejoiced in the revolution in France, approved likewise of all the subsequent excesses. The formidable band of republicans, who had been mentioned to exist in this country, Mr. Sheridan represented as nothing more than men in buckram. So far from its being the wish of any description of men, that a French army should be introduced into this country, it was his opinion, that were one French soldier to land upon our coast, with the idea of effecting any change in our government, every hand and heart in the country would be fired by the

indignity, and unite to oppose so insulting an attempt.

As to the question of a war, he should vote that English minister to be impeached, who should enter into a war, for the purpose of re-establishing the former despotism in France; who should dare in such a cause to spend one guinea, or spill one drop of blood. A war in the present moment he considered ought only to be undertaken on the ground of the most inevitable necessity. He did not consider the opening of the Scheldt as a sufficient ground for war, nor did he believe that the Dutch would on this account apply to this country for its hostile interference, unless they had previously received instructions for the purpose.

Mr. Thomas Grenville acknowledged himself to have been struck with the danger to which this country had been exposed by a seditious spirit that had made its appearance, and he had accordingly voted for the proclamation that had been brought forward; but he did not think that any event had since taken place, which could justify the calling out the militia, and assembling the parliament.

Mr. Burke commenced his speech with complimenting the lord mayor of London for his public conduct, and congratulating the metropolis, for the services, which, at different times, it had rendered to the constitution, under whose auspices it had risen to its present opulence and grandeur; when, after glancing with his usual ardour at several topics connected with the debate, and the French Revolution, he affirmed, that there was a faction in this country who wished to sub

mit to France, in order that our government might be reformed upon the French system; and that the French encouraged this faction, and were disposed to aid them in their views of overturning our constitution. To prove the truth of these assertions, he read the addresses of the English and Irish resident at Paris, and of Joel Barlow and John Frost, deputies from the Constitutional Society of London to the National Convention. After a train of striking remarks on the detail of these proceedings, he declared that the question, at this time, was not whether we should make an address to the throne, but whether we should have a throne at all, and recommending an unanimous determination to employ the most effectual means to stay the progress of the French arms.

Mr. Anstruther declared his firm belief in the existence and reality of the public evils stated in the speech; and that the measures consequently adopted by administration were necessary and expedient. He desired the house to recollect the mischiefs which had happened five years before the bill had passed, authorising his majesty to call out the militia, and summon parliament, in cases of insurrection, from the want of similar precautions to those which had been employed on this occasion. So far from thinking that ministers had excited a premature or groundless alarm, it was his opinion that they had been too late in adopting those measures which the times so peremptorily required.

Mr. Erskine justified himself as a member of the society for parliamentary reform, and blamed the

conduct

conduct of ministers for their delay in prosecuting the author of The Rights of Man, till a year and an half after its publication. He then proceeded to remark on the different representations Mr. Burke had given, at different times, of the state of France, and concluded with recommending the house to govern the people by their affections, and instead of loading them with abuse and calumny, to meet their complaints, to redress their grievances, and, by granting them a fair representation, to remove the ground of their dissatisfaction.

The Attorney-General, sir John Scott, after stating the different modes which seditious persons had adopted in order to work on the minds of the lower classes of the people, stated that the delay which had taken place in prosecuting a particular work (supposed to mean the rights of man) arose from the length of time necessary to be employed in taking the previous steps before a prosecution could be commenced.

The Solicitor General, sir John Mitford, entered into a detail of the law by which parliament had been so suddenly called together. Cases of insurrection, he remarked, were not, as had been stated, now for the first time introduced into law as authorizing his majesty to call out the militia, and summon parliament; the same power had been given in former laws, though in some late instances the case of insurrection, which was now acted upon, was omitted; the phrase some how or other had then slipt out of the law, and was now only revived.

Mr. Fox insisted on the pro

In such

In the house of lords the address was moved by the earl of Hardwicke. He observed, that the most striking part of the speech from the throne was the calling out of the militia, and their lordships needed not to be put in mind, that the power of calling them out was vested in the crown, whenever there were grounds for apprehension of any intended invasion by a foreign power, or internal insurrection in the kingdom. cases, it became the indispensible duty of ministers to advise that measure, and the law had wisely provided, that the parliament should be immediately assembled ; so if any weak or wicked administration were to do so from improper motives, they must be amenable to parliament for their conduct within fourteen days; but he was confident it would appear, in the present instance, a very laudable measure, and must be highly flattering to the people. Because when it was visible to all, that wicked and ill-disposed persons were endeavouring to disturb the tranquillity of this country, and the happiness of all classes in it, the militia were relied on, and from a confidence in them, no apprehension of danger remained,

His lordship gave an ample portion of praise to the ministers for

the