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the neutrality which had hitherto been observed respecting France, deprecated the spirit of conquest and aggrandizement which appeared in the conduct of its infatuated rulers, deplored the enormities which they committed, and lamented that the conduct of nations should not be the same in every view, as that of individuals, and as strictly guided by justice and honour. He then proceeded to consider the other topics of the speech, and concluded with professions of the most zealous attachment to the constitution of his country.

Lord Walsingham seconded the motion. In such a crisis of affairs, as the present, his lordship asked, what was the most dignified part which a great nation could take? The answer, said he, is to be found in the speech. "Be firm and temperate in your conduct; preserve your faith inviolably; adhere to your alliances; be true to yourselves, and take that part which your interest, because your honour, dictates. The noble lord then went into a chain of argument to prove his position.Suppose, said he, that we should forbear to assert ourselves in the manner that becomes us, how long and under what circumstances, should we be able to forbear? Should we not, in the course of a few months, be dragged into the quarrel in spite of ourselves, and with the disgrace of having abandoned an ally whom it was our bounden duty to support? To which may be added, another important consideration; that in such a case her force would become neutral, if not employed against us. We ought

then to come forward with that spirit and confidence, which a good and a just cause naturally inspires.

The duke of Norfolk opposed the address, because the very serious measure which was offered to their consideration did not appear to be justified by the existing circumstances of the country, and called upon ministers to unfold the real causes of that alarm which had become so general throughout the kingdom. The speech stated a desire to preserve peace: but he did not understand how war, and there was every appearance of such an event, was formed to preserve it. And here he could not help remarking that it was rather strange to determine on going to war with any country for an interference with another, when we had no ambassador, or person of any description, to treat with that country, and remonstrate on the conduct which displeased us. If we went to war on account of the Scheldt, it would be a desperate war, and not to be justified.

The marquis of Lansdowne, after reproaching ministers for refusing to answer the enquiry made of them by the noble duke, and expressing his astonishment at the unexpected assembling of parliament, went into a long detail of cases in different reigns, which he contrasted with the present proceedings. He went into the history of associations in that and former periods, and commented in very severe terms on that which met at the Crown and Anchor tavern; though he bestowed considerable commendations on that of the merchants of London, which assembled at Merchant Taylor's

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Hall. He then said, that, after searching every where, it was evident to him that the real motive of the conduct of administration was war, and had nothing to do in fact with insurrection, although parliament was assembled by that manœuvre, and he must desire them to take care how they plunged the country into a war, with a parliament illegally assembled. The noble marquis concluded with deprecating the war, in a particular manner on account of the Scheldt, and by recommending ministers to put an end to grievances by redressing them.

Lord Grenville supported the conduct of administration. He read extracts from a variety of papers to prove, that the apprehensions of ministry were well-grounded, and completely justified the measures that had been adopted for the security of the country. He then adverted to the motion for a parliamentary reform at the conclusion of the last session of parliament, which would serve as a developement of the subsequent discontents. In consequence of this notice, societies had been formed over the whole kingdom, who, by their communication with the National Convention of France, professed a disposition to supersede parliament, and establish a new system of things. His Lordship then took a view of our situation relative to the powers of Europe, and concluded with a comparative view of the conduct of Great-Britain and France.

Lord Stormont supported ministers in a speech of considerable length, in the course of which he quoted two curious passages from the writings of Condorcet. The VOL. XXXV.

noble secretary of state, said his lordship, has adduced many proofs of a concert between the levellers at home, and persons in foreign parts, He has also proved, by authentic documents, the reigning and avowed principles of the National Convention. I will beg leave, said he, to add some passages from one of the authors who have been just quoted, from Mons. Condorcet, a person of eminence among the literary characters of France. He is now a legislator, and in an elaborate address to the Dutch, or Batavians, as he calls them, after exhorting them to union, that is, to alter their subsisting government, and form a democracy like that of France, he says, "Such union between free states is their primary want, their dearest interest, so long as the earth is stained by the existence of a king, and by the absurdity of hereditary government, so long as this shameful production of ignorance and folly remains unproscribed by the universal consent of mankind." In another place he says (bear with me, my lords, whilst I repeat it), " George the third sees with anxious surprise that throne totter under him, which is founded on sophistry, and which republican truths have sapped to its very foundation." I translate literally, and hold the original in my hand, if any noble lord wishes to see it. To such language, this, and every succeeding day will furnish the best reply. They will shew that not only parliament, but a vast majority of the people, (however the minds of some may have been poisoned) have the most grateful sense of the numberless blessings they have enjoyed under the mild, provident, and benefi[C]

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cent government of the house of Brunswick. Every day will shew we have learnt, from the uninterrupted experience of more than a century, that limited hereditary monarchy, poised and balanced as ours was at the glorious revolution, is, for a great country like this, the best form of government that ever was framed. It unites more of the different forms, as they are technically called, than was ever combined in one system. To the vigour, energy, dispatch, and secrecy of a strong executive power, directed by one governing mind, it joins the fullest protection of the rights of the subject under the dominion of equal law: it unites, in a word, the largest portion of real, rational, civil liberty, that ever has been enjoyed by man, Lord Stormont concluded in the following manner: "When any danger threatens the existing government and constitution of my country, I am called by the voice of duty to join in their defence. I cannot shrink from, or elude that duty, by saying to myself, I do not like these ministers; I wish the administration was in different, and, as I may think, in abler hands.' It is not this or that minister, this or that denomination of men, that I join upon occasions like these. I range myself under the broad banner of the constitution. I add one to the great phalanx that is to shield it from the poisoned arrows directed against it. I join in the defence of that, which, whilst it remains inviolate, must afford numberless blessings and comforts to us all; but which, if ever it should receive a mortal wound, if ever it should fall, must, in its fall, bring immediate uni

versal ruin. I know the blessings of peace; I know the calamities inseparable even from prosperous war but, my lords, as much as I value the blessings of peace (no man can prize them more), I shall ever be of opinion, that even those blessings may be bought too dear. They must not be purchased by the intolerable sacrifice of the national honour."

Lord Rawdon delivered his opinion with great animation against ministers, on the same grounds as the other lords who had preceded him; and lord Stanhope, after a very exalted eulogium on the British constitution, defended the character of Condorcet, execrated that of the duke of Brunswick, and imputed the massacres of the 10th of August to his manifesto.

The marquis Townshend and Lord Portchester gave their decided opinions in favour of ministers. The marquis of Lansdowne then moved an amendment to the address, which was negatived without a division. The address was then put and carried in the affirmative.

December 14.-When the lord mayor had brought up the report of the address, Mr. Fox rose to move an amendment, of which he had given notice on the preceding day.

He declared it to be his opinion, that, from the moment ministers knew that a league was formed against France, this country ought to have interfered. France had justice completely on her side, and we, by a prudent negotiation with the other powers, might have prevented the horrid scenes which were afterwards exhibited, and saved to the necessity of being

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reduced to our present situation. We should have held out to Europe a lesson of moderation, of justice, and of dignity, worthy of a great empire: this was the conduct which ought to have been adopted, and which ministers had neglected. There was general advantage, how ever, resulting from this: it taught the proudest men in this world, that there is an energy in the cause of justice, which, when once supported, nothing can defeat. Whoever conceived him to be of opinion, that the aggrandizement of France was a matter of indifference to this country, mistook him grossly: for the French had conducted them selves in such a manner, as to induce him to believe that the power of France might be formidable to this country. Though without allies, and with almost ruined finances, she was more fomidable than she had ever been; she was formidable now from her freedom, the animated effects of which were beyond human calculation. All the inhabitants of Europe who felt any thing in the cause of freedom, held a sympathy for them, and wished them success, regarding them as men struggling with tyrants and despots, while they were endeavouring to form for themselves a free government. Mr. Fox then took a general view of the situation of Europe. and argued from the actual state of it, but particularly of those powers on whom we should look for aid, that war would be a very dangerous, if not ruinous, measure for this country. In support of this principle, he entered into an examination of the internal state of the British dominions; and argued, if discontents did really exist, that the taxes which must be raised

to support the war, would certainly increase them. He then urged, in a very forcible manner, an immediate negotiation with the executive government of France, to prevent the approaching horrors of war: when, after giving notice that he should, on the following day, offer a motion to the house to that effect, he moved an amendment to the address, beseeching his majesty to employ every species of honourable negotiation in order to prevent a war with France.

Mr. Sheridan seconded the amendment; which, if adopted, would still, he believed, rescue the country from a war.

Mr. Burke, considering it as admitted that France must not be permitted to open the Scheldt, and that she must also be either induced by negotiation, or compelled by arms, to restore the conquests she had made, thought it a very extraordinary way of effecting either purpose, to represent our internal situation as rotten, and our allies not to be depended on. With regard to our internal situation, he esteemed it far from being rotten, though the constitution was certainly assailed by persons whose activity, if not checked in time, may be likely to endanger it. As to the fidelity of our allies, if it was not now to be relied on, surely Mr. Fox did not take the best mode of confirming it, by acknowledging the sovereignty, and entering into negotiations with the new republic of France, their most inveterate enemy. But supposing the policy of such negotiation, were we sure that the French would come to any reasonable terms with us? And yet this was the contingency for which we were to renounce our present friends, the ancient and established

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governments in Europe. France had not yet been recognized by any other power. And what was the peculiar time when we were desired to address an ambassador to them? At the very moment, perhaps, when the merciless savages had their hands red with the blood of a murdered sovereign; thus giving sanction to an act which barbarians would condemn, giving currency to the crime of regicide, and affording a preliminary to the murder of our own sovereign. The French republic was sui generis, and bore no analogy to any other which ever existed in the world. It therefore did not follow that we ought to recognize it, merely because different powers in Europe had recognized the republic of England, under Oliver Cromwell. England did not at that time attempt to turn all the states of Christendom into republics it did not wage war with sovereigns; it professed no principle of proselytism; and therefore, whatever neighbouring nations might have to expect at that time from her friendship, they had nothing to fear for the existence of thrones. The same might be said of America. But France wanted to make proselytes to her opinions, and turn every government in the world into a republic. If every government was against her, it was because she had declared herself hostile to every government. He knew of nothing to which this strange republic could be compared, but to the system of Mahomet, who with the Koran in one hand, and a sword in the other, held out the former to the acceptance of mankind, and with the latter compelled them to adopt it as their creed. The Koran which France held out,

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was the declaration of the rights of man, and universal fraternity; and with the sword she was determined to propagate her doctrines, and conquer those whom she could not convince. He by no means wished to hurry the nation into a war. He wanted to make the people see that France had really declared war against them, and that the two states might be considered as actually engaged in it. France had passed a variety of decrees, every one of which might fairly be considered as a declaration of war against every government. She had resolved to wage an eternal war against kings and kingly government; and she had actually received Englishmen at the bar of the convention, whom, in contempt of the king and parliament, she professed to consider as the representatives of the people of England. Was this no provocation? was this no attack upon the government of Great Britain?Mr. Burke now passed at once into Ireland, and concluded with some strong observations on the claims of the Catholics of that kingdom.

Mr. Yorke, after referring to the speech of Mr. Burke, as conveying all his sentiments on the subject before the house, spoke of the opposition in terms of severe invective. He allowed them eloquence and talents, but denied that they possessed either patriotism, moderation, or candour. To these assertions, Mr. Adam replied, with great spirit, and then proceeded to combat the reasonings of Mr. Burke. It was supposed, he said, by that gentleman, that disregard to property, immorality, and every bad and vicious principle, were necessary, to atttach themselves to

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