having viewed the negro villages on many estates, he had seen as many children in each, as could be found in any village of the same size in England. This would serve to shew that the necessity of importation might be gradually diminished; and the plantations be worked by creole negroes, instead of Africans. The condition of the slaves had of late been considerably mended; the act for regulating the middle passage had been productive of very happy consequences; and many regulations had been adopted in the colonial assemblies, tending greatly to better the condition of these poor people. He maintained that in whatever related to the slaves and slave trade, this country could not act with efficacy, without the concurrence of the legislature of the islands these bodies were extremely well disposed to do every thing that could reasonably be required at their hands; and more it would not be prudent to ask. served only to confirm him in an opinion, that the great question of the slave-trade ought not to be agitated at present. Men's minds, both at home and in the West Indies, were, at this moment, too much heated for a sober and cool deliberation on such an important question; many exaggerated accounts had been given of the situation and treatment of the negroes, both before their departure from the coast of Africa, and after their arrival in the islands; by these accounts the passions of the House had been excited to decide against the dictates of judgment and sound policy. He was ready to admit, that in its principle it was not to be defended, and must necessarily be repugnant to the feelings of mankind; but such were the circumstances of our West-India colonies, that the continuance even of such a trade for some time longer was absolutely necessary to their existence, and its abolition would be their ruin. On this subject he said he could speak from his own knowledge, for during the last summer he visited most of the English islands in the WestIndies, and he could take upon him to say, that a great deal of what he had heard in that House in the course of the last session, respecting the treatment and condition of the negroes, appeared to him to be unfounded in fact. It had often been said that by the ir-ed the motion for the amendment. regularity of number of males and females imported into the islands, and the excessive labour to which they were exposed, very few children were reared, and that this was the reason that it became necessary to import so many Africans every year. He declared, that He concluded by moving an amendment, viz. that the words "Thursday next," should be "left out, and the words, "This day six months," inserted in their stead. Mr. Buxton, after some general observations on the dangers which threatened our happy constitution, from a prevailing spirit of innovation, and the impolicy of listening to clamours without doors, second After several gentlemen had briefly objected to or supported the motion, Mr. Fox observed, that the question now was, whether the House would not proceed, and at once lay it down as a rule, that they would do nothing whatever upon the present subject in this session session of parliament, although, after a long discussion, deliberate resolutions had been entered into, in the last, and they had come to a determination that the slave trade from Africa to our colonies and plantations should cease the 1st of January in the year 1796. It was said that the abolition should be with the concurrence of the legislative body of our colonies, before it could be effectual. Upon what principle it was that we were to anticipate their refusing to concur with us, Mr. Fox said he could not devise, and that if they were determined to thwart our intentions, how far it might be deemed prudent for us, under such circumstances, to continue our connection with them, he would not now discuss; but of this he was sure, that the House had power over the trade of this country, and could say under what regulations it should be carried on, and when it should cease, and how long they would suffer by an acknowledged evil. He then observed, that if there were any objections to the late resolutions in any particular part, such objection would come regularly before the committee on Thursday, and should then be argued, for as to the danger of agitating it, he confessed, he differed entirely from those who expressed their apprehensions upon that subject; or if there was any danger in that respect, it must arise from its not being agitated while there was a difference of opinion; agitation was necessary to set that difference at rest. Indeed he once hoped that the House would not now have had to debate the question at all, for that it should by this time have passed into a law. He should not now pretend to anticipate the discussion of the House of Lords; he hoped that their decision would be agreeable to the principles of justice and humanity; in the mean time the House of Commons should not slacken its efforts upon that subject. If the course of the discussion in the other House should lead to such length, or should take a turn that would render hopeless the thought of its coming to a conclusion this session, then he should advise the bringing forward of some other measure that might give efficacy to the resolutions, which had for their object the immediate regulations of the trade, independent of the total abolition in the year 1796. To return to the point more immediately before the House, Mr. Fox said, he complained of an evil and, an abuse, which, he maintained, it was practicable to remove; and, as he had before hinted, if the proceedings of another place should be such as not to give satisfaction, that they would be removed, and that the first resolution for abolition in 1796, should pass this session, then that House should substitute such other remedies as might meet their ideas upon the regulation of the trade between this time, and the period of final abolition. Until these points should have been fairly canvassed by argument, he trusted that the House would not pursue a step so disreputable to its own honour and dignity, so dissatisfactory to the public in general, as to relinquish their former opinion, or, in other words, to tell the world at large, there was no sincerity in their declarations on a former day, and that they had completely given up even the gradual gradual abolition of the slave trade, and that they never would resolve upon that measure at this or any other period. Mr. Pitt expressed his hopes that there would be no difficulty in revoting the propositions voted last year, and that however gentlemen on either side of the question might have objected to these propositions, there would be no difference of opinion on them now. But by renewing the resolutions of last session, and sending them up to the Lords, no member of the House was restricted from proposing such other measures, as the delay in the other House might seem to demand. The original motion was now put, and lost by a majority of 61, against 53; when, after some conversation among several of the members, Sir William Young's amendment to the original motion was proposed and carried. Though it may be considered as deviating from due order in the succession of public measures, we shall follow up the first proposition made by Mr. Wilberforce relative to the slave trade, in the course of this year, with such as were afterwards made, though at distant intervals, on the same subject. On Thursday the 21st of March, Mr. Whitbread, jun. rose to express his fears from what had already happened this year in the House of Commons, on the subject of the slave trade, and the late period which the other house had fixed for proceeding to the consideration of the subject, and the examination of witnesses respecting it, that nothing effectual would be done this session for abolishing it, and that the trade would con tinue at least for another year to disgrace this country. He requested the honourable gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) who had hitherto taken the lead in this important business, not to suffer his zeal to abate, but, on the contrary, to pursue, with double vigour, an object which, in all times to come, must secure to his name the gratitude and veneration of all true friends to humanity. He wished the honourable gentleman would be so good as to state to the House what were his intentions on the subject; and assured him, that if he was still determined to press for the abolition during the present session, he should be supported by him and his friends to the utmost of their power. Mr. Wilberforce expressed his concern that Mr. Dundas, who had taken so large a share last year in the question of the slave trade, had not thought proper this year to pursue even his own plan; and he was equally concerned that the Lords had put off the consideration of it till after the Easter holidays. These two circumstances, he said, were certainly unfavourable to the idea of effecting the abolition this year; though he did not despair of seeing this important measure carried into effect during the present session. At the same time, in answer to a question put by Mr. Lambton, he acknowledged that he should be glad even to regulate the slave trade, if he could not abolish it. Mr. Wilberforce, on Tuesday the 14th of May, renewed the subject, and after a short speech on the subject of the slave trade, as far as it regarded the supply of negroes to foreign powers by English ships; and and also on the necessity of limiting the number of slaves to be imported to the British colonies, moved, “That leave be given to bring in a bill for abolishing the trade, carried on by English merchants, for supplying foreign territories with slaves." Mr. Fox, after taking notice of what the House had done last year, and what the Lords were doing this year upon this subject, warned them not to trust too much to the good temper of the people, by playing and trifling with their requests, passing resolutions in one session in one year, by which the public were taught to expect that this infamous traffic should in time be abolished, and then to abandon the whole in another session by having recourse to the shift of saying, that the subject was before the other House; that it was a dangerous time to meddle with our commerce; or by any such quibbles. This trade was no more like a real, fair commerce, than it was like justice or humanity commerce was disgraced by being compared to it. It was an odious, monstrous, inhuman traffic, and a foul stain upon the British character. Such the majority of the House thought it last year; such the mass of the people thought then; such they thought it now; and if they had not renewed their petitions to the House, it was because they had confidence in its justice, its humanity, its honour, and its regard for the consistency of its own proceedings; and gentlemen would do well, if they wished the public to have any esteem for that House, not to teach them that their confidence was misplaced, when they thought that House would perform its duty. Having urged these, and other points, he trusted the House would agree to the motion; or that if they thought the House too thin to decide upon a point so important, they would adjourn the debate for a day or two, and go into a committee, and discuss the subject fairly, if any farther discussion was necessary. Mr. Pitt went at length into the subject, and took notice of all the arguments urged against the motion, and maintained that the House. ought, in justice to its own character, and in support of its own honour, to adopt the motion now before them.-The House divided, for the motion 41-against it 34. Mr. Wilberforce then moved"That leave be given to bring in a bill for limiting and regulating the importation of slaves to the British colonies in the West-Indies for a time to be limited." After some conversation, the House divided on the motion, Majority against the motion 10 On Wednesday, the 22d of May, Mr. Wilberforce moved the order of the day for the House to resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to consider of a motion for preventing the supply of foreign powers with slaves; which being carried, a bill was ordered to be brought in for that purpose, which was negatived on the third reading, June 12, by a majority of 31 against 29. On Wednesday, the 20th of March, the duke of Clarence presented two petitions from the West India planters, and the ship-owners of Liverpool, to the House of Lords, praying their lordships that they would would not proceed further in the consideration of the slave trade till after the recess. Accordingly the order for proceeding in that business was enlarged from the succeeding day, to Thursday the 11th of April; when the earl of Abington rose to make a motion on the subject. After some animated observations on the principles and character of the French nation, and a variety of arguments to support the opinion, that the idea of abolishing the slave trade is connected with the levelling system and the rights of man; his lordship asked who could controvert such a position? For in the very definition of the terms themselves, as descriptive of the thing, what does the abolition of the slave trade mean more or less in effect, than liberty and equality? What more or less than the rights of man? And what is liberty and equality, and what the rights of man, but the foolish fun damental principles of this new philosophy. If proofs are wanting, look at the colony of St. Domingo, and see what the rights of man have done there. There you will see rivers of commerce dried up, while fountains of human blood are made to issue in their stead. Hear also what Robespierre has said upon this very occasion : "Perish the colonies, rather than that we should lose one of our principles. But let us remember that we have colonies of our own, and that by making the same experiment, we shall produce the same consequences." His lordship then proceeded to arraign the dissenters as the abettors of the proposed abolition of the slave trade, and after a very desul tory speech, which embraced various political topics, he moved, "That the further consideration of the question for the abolition of the slave trade be postponed to that day five months." Earl Stanhope said, he never was more surprised at any circumstance than the present motion; it was unprecedented in practice-unvindicated by reason. What! stop a judicial inquiry, when only one side of the question had been heard, and refuse to receive the arguments that were to be opposed to the evidence? This would be the height of injustice. The abolition of the slave trade was a glorious, a most glorious work; it was the work of humanity, of freedom, and of justice! and as such it should, in every stage of its progress, have all the support he was able to give it. He saw not how the conduct of the French interfered in this business: our slave trade had nothing to do with the revolution in France, and therefore he should give the motion his most decided negative. The duke of Clarence, after stating his reasons for deferring the farther consideration of the slave trade to this day, informed their lordships that he certainly meant to have made some motion on the subject similar to that which was offered by the noble earl; for he did truly conceive, from the most incontrovertible proofs in his own mind, that it would be impolitic, and greatly unjust, to destroy it in the manner proposed by the friends of its abolition. His highness then went pretty much at large into the merits of the trade, the immense capital that was employed, the stake that was held in that part of the world, and the consequences that must |