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under specious pretences, but actually tending to subvert the constitution of the country. These societies, so connected, concerted and executed the means of circulating with great activity and industry, and free from all cost to the receivers, a great variety of pernicious pamphlets and publications, accommodated to the perusal of the meanest capacity, and manifestly tending to create doubt and discontent in the minds of the lower classes of his fellow-subjects; and, by slow but sure means, to alienate their minds from their allegiance to the King, and from their attachment to the constitution, as established by law. Under these circumstances, and recollecting also the fatal consequences of insurrection, and want of timely exertion some years ago, in the capital; and recollecting likewise the calamities which have more recently overwhelmed the metropolis of a neighbouring kingdom, from an apparent want of precaution, he felt himself bound in duty to put his fellow-citizens on their guard, and the decided manner in which they had seconded him, had given vigour to his feeble efforts. Their loyal, seasonable, and determined conduct, at this important crisis, aided by the firm and temperate measures of prevention adopted by government, had restored tranquillity to the city, and awed the societies to which he had alluded into a change of conduct. He observed, that beneficial as the preparations of government had been respecting internal commotion, they might be found still more useful and provident, if applied to ex

ternal danger. He then mentioned the situation of our ancient ally, the States General of the United Provinces; for, added he, if measures have been, or are to be pursued, as respecting them, repugnant to the law of nations, and positive treaties, approved by parliament and the country; it appeared evident to him that we ought to interpose; and that we are, by these preparations, the better able to do it with effect.

Mr. Wallace, after enlarging on the several topics of the speech, seconded the address.

Lord Fielding thought it the duty of every man who was a friend to the constitution in church and state, to hazard every thing, at this alarming period in support of it. For his part, he added, if ministers required extraordinary powers on the present occasion, he was ready to vote them.

Lord Wycombe founded his opposition to the address, on its being in a great measure, unintelligible to him; though he should not hesitate to say, that the speech calumniated the people of England; who, instead of discovering any symptoms of insurrection, were, at that moment, overflowing with loyalty. He believed, that with respect to forms of government, there might be different opinions held in England ;—but they were merely speculative; and ought not to occasion any alarm to the ministers of the crown, unless they were called forth into action, and made the ground-work of active measures.-He spoke, with great concern, of that part of his majesty's speech which adverted to the possibility of a foreign war: he could

own

not perceive, in the existing circumstances of Europe, sufficient cause for such an event; and it was his opinion, that nothing but an actual invasion could justify it on the part of Great-Britain.

Mr. Fox, after some general observations, and the usual apology of considering the King's speech as that of the ministers, declared it to be his firm opinion and belief, that every fact asserted in the speech was false, and all its insinuations unfounded; that no insurrection existed; and that the alarm, whatever it might be, was not occasioned by any actual circumstances that could justify reasonable apprehension, but by the artful designs and practices of ministers.

In his observations on the affairs of France, Mr. Fox expressed his disapprobation of the manner in which Mr. Wallace mentioned the effect that the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick had on many persons in this country: "What," exclaimed he, "is this to be considered as a sign of discontent and of a preference to republican doctrines, that men should droop and be dejected in their spirits, when they heard that the armies of despotism had triumphed over an army fighting for liberty? If such dejection be a proof that men are discontented with the constitution of England, and leagued with foreigners in an attempt to destroy it, I give myself up to my country as a guilty man: for I freely confess that, when I heard of the surrender or retreat of Dumourier; and that there was a probability of the triumph of the armies of Austria and Prussia over the liberties of France, my spirits drooped, and I was dejected."

After enlarging, in a strain of superior animation, on the power which he accused government of having dared to assume over the minds and speculative opinions of men, he inveighed against the injustice of complaining that seditious pamphlets were in circulation, without stretching forth the arm of law to punish and suppress them. He then noticed the publications and conduct of the association at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in terms of great disapprobation, and proceeded to speak of the calling out of the militia, which he considered as a fraud on the part of ministers, because it was founded on false pretences, and done with a view to raise those apprehensions in the minds of the people, in order that they may be the more readily duped into a support of the present government. Mr. Fox now passed on to the succeeding passage of the speech, which, in his opinion, implied an apprehension of war; an event which he most sincerely deprecated, because, he said, there never was a moment when this country had so much reason to wish for peace as the present, and that there never was a period so little favourable to a rupture with France with any other power. He mentioned several examples of fortunate negotiations, by which wars had been prevented; and reprobated, in very pointed terms, the backwardness of ministers to avert the evils of war, by sending an ambassador to the executive government of France.

After some spirited animadversions on the conduct of ministers, from the beginning of the French troubles to the present time, he ap

plied

plied the plot of Titus Oates, in the reign of Charles the Second, to the artificial fears of the existing period, and warned his friends who had lately separated from the opposition party, of being, like the celebrated Lord Russel, the dupes of similar deception. "But,” exclaimed Mr. Fox, "if it should be asked, what I propose to do in times of agitation like the present? I will answer at once, and without reserve. If there is a tendency in the dissenters to discontent, because they conceive themselves to be unjustly suspected and cruelly calumniated; what should I do? I would instantly repeal the test and corporation acts, and take from them, by such a step, all cause of complaint. If there were any persons tinctured with a republican spirit, because they thought that the representative government was more perfect in a republic, I would endeavour to amend the representation of the commons, and to prove, that the house of commons, though not chosen by all, should have no other interest than to prove itself the representative of all. If there were men dissatisfied in Scotland or Ireland, or elsewhere, on account of disabilities and exemptions, of unjust prejudices and of cruel restrictions, I would repeal the penal statutes, which are a disgrace to our law books. If there were other complaints of grievances, I would redress them where they were really proved; but, above all, I would constantly, cheerfully, patiently listen. I would make it known, if any man felt, or thought he felt, a grievance, he might come freely to the bar of this house, and bring his proofs; and it should be made ma

nifest to all the world, that where they did exist, they should be redressed; where they did not, that it should be made manifest. I love the constitution, continued Mr. Fox, as it is established. I know that it is calculated for the happiness of man, and that its constituent branches of king, lords, and commons, could not be altered or impaired, without entailing on this country the most dreadful miseries. It is the best adapted to England, because the people of England think it the best; and the safest course is to consult the judgment and gratify the predilections of a country. Heartily convinced as I am, that, to secure the peace, strength, and happiness of the country, we must maintain the constitution against all innovation; yet I do not think so superstitiously of any human institution, as to believe that is incapable of being perverted; on the contrary, I believe, that it requires an increasing vigilance, on the part of the people, to prevent the decay and dilapidations to which every edifice is subject. I think also that we may be laid asleep to our real danger by these perpetual alarms to loyalty, which appear to be daily sapping the constitution; under the pretext of guarding it from the assaults of republicans and levellers, we run the hazard of leaving it open on the other, and more feeble side. We are led insensibly to the opposite danger; that of increasing the power of the crown, and of degrading the influence of the commons house of parliament.

Mr. Fox concluded his speech with an amendment to the address, which merely proposed, that the house should enter into an imme

diate examination of the facts, which were stated in his Majesty's speech, as the causes for assembling the parliament.

Mr. Windham commenced a very argumentative answer to Mr. Fox, by an apology for opposing those political friends with whom he had so long acted. He asked, Was the country, at this moment, in a state of danger, or not? He was told, indeed, that there was no real cause for alarm among the people; that the only alarm which was felt had been created by government. The powers of government, therefore, must have been strange and wonderful indeed, to produce the alarm every day expressed in different parts of the kingdom. It was his belief, however, that there were serious and well-founded alarms, from the conduct, not of the officers of government, but from those who had sworn on enmity to all government. Did not the whole country feel it? Was not every town, village, or hamlet, filled with apprehension! Could a man enter into his own house, or could he walk in a field, without observing, that it occupied the whole attention of all ranks and descriptions of people. If a man would not believe any thing but what he saw, nor see any thing but what he liked, it was not very probable that he would see much of the alarm in question: but if he was at the pains to observe, the alarm was visible enough. He had himself observed it: he had seen the intention of the enemies of the present constitution expressed in various shapes. He had seen it in the confidence of their agents, in the boldness of those who wished

the subversion of the constitution. He appealed to the house whether they did not know and feel that there was a general alarm throughout the country. The next point to be considered in the order Mr. Fox had taken, was, how far it might be fit to check the cause of this mischief by law, the question of the policy of doing it, the right hon. gentleman had determined in the negative. It was true, that the measures now pursued over the country, were such as had never been employed before; but it must be observed, in answer to this, that there never had been such an occasion before. Speculative opinions had been published from time to time in this country, and they might have been continued to be published, but the manner of publishing, as well as the works published of late, were entirely new. The machine was so well constructed, there were such skill, contrivance, and management in the engineers, that, unless parliament were on their guard, and the sensible and honest part of the community active in counteracting their designs, the whole form of our government might be easily subverted. He spoke not from distrust merely, or rumour, but he knew, and it was notorious that there had been, and was now, a constant communication between persons in Paris, and persons in London, the object of which was the destruction of our present form of government. This sort of counter alliance of the Englishman in Paris, and the Frenchman in London, had been regularly formed, and the effect of it was felt already in an alarming degree; for in every town, in every

village,

village, nay, almost in every house, these worthy gentlemen had their agents, who regularly disseminated certain pamphlets; these agentswere vigilant and industrious, delivered these pamphlets gratis, a proof there must be somewhere a society to defray the expence; for these agents could not afford to be thus generous to the public without assistance; they could not pay for them out of their own pockets. No; the whole was a well-arranged methodized plan, for gradually undermining the principles of the British constitution.

"The system," said Mr. Windham," to which he had alluded, had been carried throughout the country. Great pains had been taken with the poorer part of the community, to wean their affections from government; and it was a fact notoriously known, that the whole plan was supported by a purse, which, he believed, was made up in France. It might be said, in answer to such an opinion, that the French had no money to contribute on such an occasion, but the reply was obvious; that those who are in a state of desperation, have always the most money to squander upon acts of profligacy and dishonour. The manner in which this business was conducted, was very artful. On putting these works of sedition into the hands of the labourer, they always told him that they were intended for his instruction. Again, it was said, that the object of these publications was the propagation of truth, and the improvement of the condition of man;-on the contrary, it was to reverse the order of society altogether. Some gentlemen, he said,

affected to treat these things with contempt, but they ought not, in his mind, to be so regarded. It was true that the high ranks of life were not contaminated by jacobin principles; but if they were to cast their eyes downward, they would see these lurking underneath a sort of subterranean heat, that might burst forth with great violence, if not immediately extinguished.

With respect to the combined armies that marched towards Paris, he believed, that their motives were good; and though the maxim, that no country ought to intermeddle, with the internal affairs of another, might be right in a limited sense, he could not admit it in the degree insisted upon by many modern politicians. Besides, it might be asked, did France pursue only her own internal regulation? Did she keep good faith in her decree, "That she abandoned for ever all ideas of foreign conquest?" It was her object to lower this country, and in that she would persist, while she had any prospect of accomplishing it. What was to be said for the French in the war against the king of Sardinia? Still worse was their conduct at Geneva: but, above all, who would applaud their decree to give liberty to all mankind, which could be considered as no better than an avowal of their design to disturb every power in Europe? They talked, indeed, of giving to every place where their arms were victorious, a choice of the form of government; but did they wait for the sense of the majority? Not they indeed. When two or three were gathered together, it was enough for them. What were their intentions to this country? Refer to the correspond

ence

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