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must ensue from putting a stop to that which ages had confirmed as highly beneficial to this country.

Lord Grenville, the earl of Lauderdale, the earl of Mansfield, and the bishop of St. David's, having spoken against the motion, the earl of Abingdon was induced to withdraw it.

On Wednesday the 17th of April, before evidence was examined at the bar of the House of Lords, on the subject of the slave trade, the bishop of St. David's rose, and made some remarks on the subject, which did not long occupy the attention of the House, as the consideration of it was soon obliged to give place to the order of the day; and was therefore adjourned to a future opportunity,

On Wednesday the 27th of February, the House of Commons, in a committee of supply, voted five millions and an half to his majesty upon exchequer bills; and the House being resumed, it was ordered that the report be received on the following day.

On Monday the 4th of March, Mr. Sheridan brought forward his promised motion, the object of which was to appoint a committee to enquire into the truth of the reports of sedition in this country. He should not, he said, attempt to prove that there never existed any sufficient reason for apprehending the danger of sedition, or that there had not been an act of insurrection in any part of the kingdom to warrant the propagation of such reports; but he contended that nothing whatever had happened to justify the alarm that had followed. When he should move for a committee to enquire into those things, he did not wish to say any thing

upon the effect of such inquiry at present; his object was to know in what situation this country really was, and also to know whether the language made use of by his majesty's ministers upon the subject of sedition, conspiracy, and treason, was not at least premature at the time it was uttered, and consequently that nothing had happened in this country that could justify government in the steps they had taken, and the proceedings they instituted; at present, however, he had the satisfaction, as he really believed the House had, of thinking that these reports were illfounded: to remove all doubt, however, upon that subject, and to obtain complete information, were the objects of his motion.

With respect to the late supposed sedition in this kingdom, and of that supposed temper for insurrection, as well as the lurking treason of which we heard so much by hints and conjectures, there were three circumstances to be considered, and three points of view in which the subject might be placed. The first was that the danger in this country had been real; secondly, that the danger was not real, but that the whole was a false alarm, really entertained by government, the effect of a delusion successfully practised upon them; in which case the propagation, on their part, although unfortunate, was yet honest. The third was, that the whole was founded on a systematic plan, laid by government for deluding the sense, and finally subduing the spirit of the people. It was, in his opinion, the duty of parliament to regard the subject in either of these three points of view; but he could not perceive any other in which it

could

could be properly regarded; and he saw in all of them no way of proceeding with propriety but by instituting a committee of inquiry. Let us suppose, for instance, the whole evil was really felt as ministers had described at the beginning of the session. What then would follow? Most certainly the adoption of a committee of inquiry, in order than a plan should be laid for our future safety. What was the next thing to be attended to, and the next view of the subject, supposing that ministers really apprehended danger, although in truth there had not existed any? Most certainly that a committee should be appointed to inquire, and that they might make their report upon the situation of the country, announce it to be in a state of safety, and calm the apprehensions of the public. In the third point of view, that supposing the whole to be a mere device on the part of government, for the purpose of leading the people more easily in a war with France, by persuading them that there are at this moment many agents from France, who are doing every thing they can to disturb the peace and internal tranquillity of this country again he must say, that a committee should be appointed to inquire, in order that the public should know the deception which had been practised on them, and that if the war had been so commenced, the people should be enabled to employ the means of declaring to the throne their sentiments upon that subject. After having dismissed the two first parts of the subject, with his usual ability, he proceeded to examine the question, whether mini

sters had spread those alarms for purposes which they did not avow. He should, with great reluctance, he said, put that construction upon their conduct; but there had been such encouragement given to reports of a certain nature, that he hardly knew how to avoid saying, that these alarms were created for very dangerous purposes. Indeed, he could not refrain from observing that there appeared on the part of his majesty's ministers, first, a desire to inflame the minds of the people to prepare them to go to war with France; and secondly, an inclination to divert the public mind from the question of parliamentary reform, for the purpose of concealing the apostacy of certain individuals, who do not chuse to be put to the test, and tried by the public upon the standard of their own professions. As to the first of these points, namely, that of inflaming the minds of the people of this country, in order to prepare them for a war with France, Mr. Sheridan said, he need only refer to the speech of the right honourable gentleman himself (Mr. Pitt), who had said, at an early stage of the discussion of that subject, that he believed the public rather reproached government for supineness, than blamed it for its promptitude in going to war. This was a mode of bespeaking the opinion of the public; and he could not help saying it appeared to him, from that and other things, that attempts were made, and some of them he was sorry to say, successful ones, to inflame the public mind with regard to France. surprised to hear it said by one honourable gentleman in that

He was

House,

House, that the only consolation and ridicule. In all the accounts

that could arise from the death or murder of the late unfortunate Louis was, that it would rouse the indignation and animosity of mankind against Erance. This was a consolation arising from inhumanity, that he did not envy; he knew there were those who did not mourn that unhappy event. There were those who did not interest themselves to avert that misfortune. But those who loved freedom, or cherished liberty, must ever deplore the transaction, because by one act they had armed despotism, and given a fatal blow to the general interests of mankind. Such was his opinion now, and such it always had been upon that subject.

With regard to the other motive of ministers, namely, that of diverting the attention of the public from the question of parliamentary reform, he believed in his conscience that there was a design of that nature entertained by ministers in this country, which had succeeded for a time; but all this was temporary, for the people were not to be deluded for ever. God forbid they should! God forbid that a brave nation should be blinded for a long time by a few individuals, and that a whole country should be false to itself, and destitute of honour, because an individual or two had betrayed their character, and because a few persons were interested in propagating false alarms.

Mr. Sheridan next adverted to the manner in which government had proceeded to create the alarm to which he had alluded, and mentioned a variety of reports, which he treated at once with disbelief

of pretended insurrections, he maintained that there was not the least proof of discontent in the public mind or disaffection to government; but that the whole arose from other causes. These things entitled him to say, that there was ground for enquiry into the subject; and that an enquiry ought to take place to set the public at rest upon such topics. He next took notice of the effect of the system of delusion in the metropolis, and the hardships under which many individuals laboured in consequence of that system. He then observed, on the expression of the attorney general, "that he had two hundred cases to bring forward for prosecution, a very few of which had been brought forward, and they chiefly consisted of the crime of selling Mr. Paine's works. Mr. Sheridan also reprobated the mode adopted by the treasury of employing their solicitors, to engage various attornies as agents in the business of discovering persons who distribute seditious books.This, he observed, was to the last degree dangerous, because it went to the effect of placing in a situation to be tempted, a set of men not highly distinguished for superior morality, and of making them derive emolument from the litigation, which themselves, and not their clients, were to create. The association of the Crown and Anchor Tavern formed by Mr. Reeves, the sermon preached by the bishop of St. David's, before the House of Lords, and the conduct of those noblemen and gentlemen who had withdrawn their names from the Whig Clubs, formed the remaining topics of Mr. Sheridan's severe

animad

animadversion; and he concluded by moving, that the House should, on the Monday following, resolve itself into a committee to consider of the seditious practices, &c. referred to in his majesty's speech.

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This motion was seconded by Mr. Lambton, and Mr. Windham rose to oppose it. He said, that the honourable gentleman had talked of plots and insurrections; but the existence of plots and insurrections had never been the question. The question was the state of the country, which in his opinion, was such as would have led to plots and insurrections. It related to seditious practices hitherto unknown, calling loudly for an effectual remedy, and amply justifying every act that had been adopted for the prevention of their farther progress. The species of insurrection stated in the proclamation, purported to be exactly what it was and when gentlemen called for proofs of acts of positive insurrection, they called for proofs of what had never been asserted. Of the facts which had been cited, proofs had not been given, because they were deemed unnecessary.The whole country had teemed with seditious publications; and when the state of the country had been talked of as justifying alarm, was not that fact sufficient? Another fact, no less convincing to his mind, as the foundation of national fear, was the assiduity with which those seditious publications had been circulated. To ask for proofs of the existence of those facts were as absurd as to ask for proofs of the existence of general Dumourier: and the minds of men might be as much perplexed by questions from a subtile inquirer on the one subject

as on the other. Might not a man, from a combination of a variety of disconnected circumstances, receive a convincing impression of a general fact, and not yet be able to state any particular proofs of such fact? Would gentleman be convinced by nothing less than ocular or tangible evidence of every subject of inquiry? Such reasoners no statement would satisfy; and if he should say, that there was a discontented spirit at Norwich, they might ask what judgment he could thence form concerning other parts of the kingdom? But it happened, that his conviction arose not from knowledge of so partial a nature.

He had seen symptoms of a discontented spirit, not at Norwich only, but at various other places, and when people of all descriptions, from all parts of the kingdom, seemed to concur in feeling the same species of alarm, however false particular rumours might be, such terror could not be totally unfounded: there could not exist so much smoke without fire! One of the charges, he observed, that had been brought forward against government on the present occasion was, that they had for a long time designed to carry on a war against France; and therefore had created the present alarm, but to that charge no other answer appeared necessary than a reference to dates. The alarm had existed in November last, and government did not take measures till December. That alarm had called forth the different loyal associations, which had been so much misrepresented; but which had merited the highest praise, and none more so than that of the Crown and Anchor; an association that had actually been the

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means of saving this country. It had been said, by the agents of Paine, that the principles which would produce a revolution in this country, were operating with the silence and rapidity of thought. This fact, he said, was some time since to be ascertained from the general opinions of the people, from the fears of those who dreaded the event, and from the sanguine expectations of those who wished it. It had been the ruin of the government of France, that they did not adopt and carry into practice timely measures of prevention, and should we not take warning from the lamentable example of that unhappy country? Its present governors were people raised from the lowest to the highest situations, and a change in the political system of this country would throw power into the hands of characters similar to those in France. The massacres of the 2d of September were said to have been produced by a mere handful of men. If that were true, if so small a number could accomplish so extensive a mischief in Paris, guarded by armed troops, could such a city as London escape the blow? Mr. Windham then stated a report which he had heard of clubs having been formed, to which those who were admitted received money for their attendance, and were told that their services would be wanted on some future occasion. Such a report might possibly be untrue, but he had certainly heard it, and he had heard it from people not connected with each other. When it was asserted that such clubs met only for the purpose of parliamentary reform, and conducted themselves in an orderly manner, he

thought that the grounds for alarm was greater; just as he should have more reason to fear an hostile army on being told that it was well disciplined. It was curious that gentlemen should require proofs of such a fact as that of the opinion entertained throughout the kingdom.

The fire, Mr. Windham said, was suppressed for a time but not extinguished. The measures of government had already produced good effects. They had checked the operations of those who wished to overturn the constitution; and they had stopped others from going over to the party. These men had now found it to be their advantage to pretend that no danger had happened, like housebreakers, who rested on their arms, and affected ignorance when in danger of detection from the family whom their efforts had awakened, but who resolved, as soon as suspicion should be laid asleep, to renew their atrocities. Mr. Windham mentioned the obstinate incredulity of those whose persisted to think that the alarm throughout the country was created by administration as a pretext for their subsequent conduct. He re-asserted that the evidence of public danger was to him indubitable; and as the majority of that House had sanctioned such an opinion, he should vote against the present motion.

The lord Mayor, (sir James Saunderson) rose to state some facts which came to his knowledge in his official capacity. He then gave an accurate history of several political associations in the city of London, and of his conduct concerning them. These societies, he said, adopted in the widest extreme

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