thing but absolute necessity can justify it.

3. Because we have not heard of any danger to this country which renders war necessary.

4. Because the observance of good faith towards our allies does not require us to engage in war, his majesty's ministers having admitted that Holland has not demanded our interference, and it being notorious, that Prussia has been the aggressor against France.

5. Because, though we feel the utmost horror at the atrocious act of cruelty and injustice mentioned in the address, we think that no injustice, however flagrant, committed in a foreign state, and having no relation to other countries, is a just ground for making war.

6. Because we are more likely to obtain the objects, whether of policy or principle, in the way of negociation, than war; the aversion of France to break with this country, which has lately stood the test of repeated provocations, putting it in our power at this moment to give peace to all Europe: whereas by entering into the war, we shall put all at stake; we shall be to join a league, whose duration cannot be depended on; our marine will be to act against armed vessels only, and that of the French against a trade which covers every quarter of the globe.

7. Because, in no view of policy can we discover any advantage to be obtained to this country by war, however successful. The experience of our two last wars, has taught us the little value of foreign acquisitions; for having lost America in the last of them, we now enjoy a more beneficial intercourse with it as an independent state,

VOL. XXXV.

than we did when it formed a part of the British dominions.

8. Because we think it the interest of this country to preserve peace with all mankind, but more especially with France.

9. Because, even if it should be thought consonant to the honour and magnanimity of this nation to seek the depression of France, that end will be most effectually promoted, by leaving them to their own internal dissensions, instead of uniting them by a hostile aggression in a common cause, and thus calling forth all their energy.

10. Because, as every war must be concluded by a peace, negociation must at some time take place, and we must ultimately depend upon the good faith of France, unless we proceed upon a principle of partition, conquest, or extermina

tion.

11. Because the measures now in view will utterly derange our system of finance, our war resources having been applied towards defraying the expence of our peace establishment, in consequence of which our floating unfunded debt,

which amounted at the commencement of the American war only to 3,100,000l. has accumulated to above ten millions, exclusive of India bonds. Besides which, the additional effect that the late enormous extension of private banking, to an amount unknown, may have upon our public credit, in case of war, is what no one can foresee.

12. Because we dread the increase of those public burthens which already bear so hard on the poorer part of the community, and because we are convinced that nothing can endanger our happy constitution, but an interruption of K

those

Dissentient,

1st, Bu

ECAUSE war is a state so unnatural, so barbarous in itself, so calamitous in its effects, so immoral when unnecessary, and so atrocious when unjust, that every friend of humanity should endeavour to avoid it; and the establishiment of a pacific system ought to be the first policy of a wise and enlightened nation.

2dly, Because peace is always for the interest of the common people in all countries. And Great Britain and France, from their peculiar situation, have an evident interest to remain at peace with each other. 3dly, Because it is a well-known fact that the people in France are in general extremely desirous to maintain and strengthen, between that country and this, the bonds of amity and friendship. And ever since the overthrow of despotism in France, the commonalty in that nation have such irresistible weight,

that we might rest assured, that as peace with Great Britain is for the interest, and is the wish of the people in France, it would therefore be the constant object of their government, if not first provoked by our ministers, by such acts as the sending away the French ambassador, and expressly refusing to acknowledge their new government.

4thly, Because the old despotic and detestable government in France, from its secrecy, its perfidy, treachery, and restless ambition, has been the fatal cause of many wars in Europe for several centuries past. Therefore any assistance given on the part of our government to any power in Europe that is endeavouring to restore that tyrannical form of government in France, is injurious to the true interests of this country. And the people of France have, moreover, as just a right to enjoy civil liberty as ourselves.

5thly, Because a war with France is at present most impolitic, extremely dangerous to our allies the Dutch, hazardous with respect to the internal peace, and external power of this country, and is likely to be highly injurious to our commerce, which is the great source of our wealth, naval strength, and prosperity; and any material interruption to the trade, manufactures, and industry of this kingdom, may, at this time, be attended with consequences the most fatal. The war may, therefore, prove to be a war against our commerce and manufactures, against the proprietors of our funds, against our paper currency, and against every description of property in this country.

6thly, Because every man of feeling must exceedingly lament

the

the numerous taxes and oppressive burthens already horne by the people of this kingdom, and also the present high price of various necessary articles of life; and if an unwise system of policy be pursued, it must inevitably increase those burthens, and eventually put those necessaries of life beyond the reach of the laborious part of the community...

And 7thly, Because these misfortunes ought the more to be deprecated, as it clearly appears that it would still be most easy to avoid them, if our ministers were to prefer a mild, just, and pacific system, to the horrors of war, carnage, and devastation.

THE

High and mighty lords, HE undersigned ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty hastens, in consequence of the express orders of the king, to lay before your high mightinesses copies of all the papers which have been exchanged from the 27th of December last, to the 20th of this month, betwixt lord Grenville, his Britannic majesty's secretary of state, and M. Chauvelin.

The king, high and mighty lords, is in the firm persuasion, that the sentiments and principles expressed in the name of Great Britain, are perfectly congenial with those

which animate your republic, and that your high mightinesses are disposed to concur fully in those measures, which the actual crisis of affairs requires, and which are a necessary consequence of these sentiments and these principles.

The circumstances which have involved us in this crisis are too recent, and the conduct of the king too well known, to render it necessary for the undersigned to enter at this time into any long details.

It is not yet above four years since some unfortunate individuals, assuming to themselves the name of philosophers, had the presumption to think themselves capable of establishing a new system of civil society. And in order to realize this reverie of their vanity, they thought it became them to overturn and destroy all the received notions of subordination, manners, and religion, which have been hitherto the safety, the happiness, and the consolation of mankind. Their plans of destruction have succeeded but too well; but the effects of this new system, which they have wished to introduce, have only served to demonstrate the futility and wickedness of its contrivers.-The events which have succeeded each other with so much rapidity, since its beginning, surpass in atrocity all that has yet ap'peared in history. Property, liberty, security, life itself, have been sacrificed to misguided passions, to the spirit of plunder, to hatred, and the most cruel and unnatural ambition. The annals of mankind do not present an epocha, where, in so short a space of time, so many crimes have been committed, so K 2

many

many misfortunes have been occasioned, so many tears have been shed; in short, at this time, these horrors appear to have come to their full extent.

During all this period, the king surrounded by his people, who enjoyed by Divine Providence an unexampled prosperity, could not view the misfortunes of others without feeling sentiments of pity and indignation. But true to his principles, his majesty could not allow himself to intermeddle in the internal affairs of a foreign nation. He has never deviated from that system of neutrality which he first adopted. This conduct, which the king has seen with pleasure observed equally by your high mightinesses, the good faith of which all Europe has acknowledged, and which ought to be respected above all other titles, has not been able to put his majesty, his people, and this republic, out of the reach of the most criminal and dangerous designs.

For some months past, projects of ambition and aggrandizement, alarming to the tranquillity and safety of all Europe, have been publicly avowed; attempts have been made to spread, both in the internal parts of England and in this country, maxims subversive of all social order; and the abettors of such designs have not been ashamed to give to these detestable attempts, the name of the revolutionary power. Solemn and ancient treaties, guaranteed by the king, have been broken; and the rights and territory of the republic have been violated. His majesty now thinks, in his wisdom, that he ought to make preparations pro

portioned to the nature of circumstances. The king has consulted his parliament; and the measures which his majesty has thought proper to take have been confirmed by the unanimous sentiments of a people, who abhor anarchy and irreligion; who love the king and respect their constitution.

These are, high and mighty lords, the motives of a conduct, the wisdom and equity of which have assured hitherto to the king your concert and your co-operation.

His majesty, in all that he has done, has constantly studied to maintain the rights and security of the United Provinces.

The declaration which the undersigned had the honour to transmit to your high mightinesses on the 13th of November last, and the arrival of a small squadron, destined to protect the rights of the republic, while he was assembling his maritime forces, are sufficient proofs of this. Your high mightinesses have acknowledged these intentions of the king, in so far as his majesty has already acted. They will be found no less honourable in the measures which are preparing. In consequence, his majesty is persuaded, that he shall continue to experience, on the part of your high mightinesses, a perfect conformity of principles and conduct. This conformity will alone give to the united efforts of the two countries, their necessary energy for their common defence, in opposing a barrier to the evils with which Europe is threatened, and preserve from every attempt, the safety, the tranquillity, and the independence of a state, the happiness of which your high mightinesses as

sure,

H'S

IS majesty thinks proper to acquaint the house of lords, that the assembly now exercising the powers of government in France, have, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of his majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most positive stipulations of treaty; and have since, on the most groundless pretences, declared war against his majesty and the United Provinces. Under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, his majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honour of his crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people; and his majesty relies with confidence on the firm and effectual support of the house of lords, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war; and in endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the farther progress of a system which strikes at the security

1

and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice.

In a cause of such general concern, his majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation of those powers who are united with his majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe. G. R.

The Will of Louis the Sixteenth, late King of the French, written by himself.

In the name of the most Holy Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, this 21st day of December 1792.

I

LOUIS XVI. of that name, king of France, being for more than four months shut up in the tower of the Temple of Paris, by those who were formerly my subjects, and being even deprived of all communications with my family from the first instant, moreover implicated in a trial, the issue of which, from the nature of human passions, it is impossible to foresee, and for which there is no pretence nor justification, in any existing law; having only God to be witness to my thoughts, and to whom I can address myself:

I hereby declare in his presence, my last wishes and sentiments.

I leave my soul to God, my Creator.-I entreat him in mercy to receive it and not to judge it according to its deserts, but according to those of our Lord Jesus Christ, who

offered