only small subsidies, quite inadequate to the extent of his domi nions. His majesty the emperor expects therefore in a serious manner, that the elector will no longer elude his duty under frivolous pretences, but furnish his complete contingent, and thus blot out, by a conduct correspondent with his oath of allegiance, all the unfavourable impressions which his conduct has hitherto made upon the German public, and save to his imperial majesty the unpleasant trouble of breaking off his personal friendship, and of letting the empire proceed in judgment upon his late conduct. (Signed) Done at Vienna, April 30, 1793. PRINCE COLLOREDO. Letter written by the Elector Mentz to General Dumourier. I of Cologne, May 16, 1793. HAVE received, Sir, your letter of the 12th instant, and am strangely surprised to find that you still reside at Mergentheim. I once had hopes you would have made a better use of the indulgence which I had shewn in the orders given to my governor, to induce you to seek some other place of residence. But it appears that you want, by your letter, a farther declaration of my sentiments, which I will not delay giving you. France, whose interior parts were shaken by divers profligate factions, inspired me at first with nothing but compassion: a horde of ruffians have since changed that sentiment, by their iniquitous deeds, into abhorrence. I beheld the events which then occurred, as the madness of the moment; and although myself, and the teutonic order of which I am director, sustained great losses by them, yet I considered the whole as mere catastrophes, and flattered myself with confidence, to see a new order of things, from the moment their minds should have recovered from their phrenzy. All spirit of order and constitution was destroyed in France, but the rest of the world remained quiet. To your ministry alone, Sir, the greatest part of Europe stands indebted for its participation in those unlucky events. You was the first that advised France to invade foreign countries, to attack neighbours, and to spread among them all the horrors which convulsed your own country. All the blood which has been spilt, all the cruel extortions and oppressions which so general and disastrous a war brings not only upon France, but upon all the world, reflect upon you, its first author and promoter; and the signal and splendid successes of your generalship can neither palliate nor obliterate the injury you have com'mitted upon mankind. I will forbear speaking of the manner in which you quitted the army: my judgment, which, as a private man, is only founded on a sense of candour and rectitude, would not please you; and I congratulate you upon your interpreting as a token of regard, the curiosity which the people manifested when they saw you, the author of their misfortunes, and the object of their apprehensions, deprived of the power of ill-treating them in future. Nay, it is not your principles, but the times alone which are altered; and if the powers of Eu rope rope are of opinion that you might With these sentiments I am, Letter from General Dumourier to agree to this, so necessary for my safety and my repose, I shall remain in the greatest privacy. My lord Auckland will acquaint your excellency of what the chevalier de Maulde informed him during the negociation. My lord Gower will also give you an account of my conduct towards England during my ministry; but it is not for these that I claim the generosity of the English nation. Your lordship will see that it was necessity alone that made me change my name when I come to seek an asylum in England. I respect the laws. The fiction I made use of when at Dover was merely local, and I hasten to repair it by a true declaration of myself. If my request can be granted, I will comply with whatever the prudence of the minister shall require of me. I have the honour to DUMOURIER. Saturday, June 15, 1793. be, &c. I CHARGE Monsieur de Lacoste, a merchant of Brussels, to deliver to your excellency this letter, and two passports from the archduke Charles; the one under the name of Charles Peralta, the other under my real name. I found great inconvenience in travelling through Germany without this precaution; and it was by the advice of Messrs. de Metternick and de Mercy, together with their friends, that I took an Italian name. My intention is not to stay in London, being too well known there to make my situation agreeable. I seek a house at a distance from London, where I can remain quiet, and wait the end of the troubles of my unfortunate country. If the greatest statesman in Europe, Mr. Pitt, and you, my lord, will I (Signed) Lord Grenville's Answer. Whitehall, June 16, 1793. RECEIVED, Sir, this morning, the letter you did me the honour to address to me. It is the business of the secretary of state for the home department to take the orders of his majesty relative to the residence of strangers in this kingdom, and to notify the same officially; but as it is to me that you have addressed yourself on this occasion, I could not do otherwise than acknowledge the receipt of your letter, and answer the demand contained therein. Your stay in England will be subject to too many inconveniencies, to make it possible for the govern government of this country to permit it. I cannot but regret, that you had not gained information in this particular before you came to England. If your wish had been made known to me before you undertook the journey, I would have informed you without reserve, that it would have been a useless one. It remains now with me to point out to you my opinion, that you must conform, without delay, to the decision I have been under the necessity to communicate to you by this letter. I have the honour to be, &c. M. Dumourier. His Majesty's Speech to both Houses of Parliament, June 21. My Lords and Gentlemen, THER HE firmness, wisdom, and public spirit by which your conduct has been eminently distinguished on the many important occasions which have arisen during the present session, demand my peculiar acknowledgments. Your firm determination to support the established constitution, and the zealous and general concurrence in that sentiment which my subjects have so strongly and seasonably manifested, could not fail to check every attempt to disturb the internal repose of these kingdoms; and you will, I doubt not, in your several counties encourage the continuance of the same vigilant attention to that important abject. The rapid and signal successes which in an early period of the campaign have attended the operations of the combined armies; the respectable and powerful force which you have enabled me to employ by sea and land, and the measures which I have concerted with other powers for the effectual prosecution of the war, afford the best prospect of a happy issue to the important contest in which we are engaged; it is only by perseverance in vigorous exertions, and by endeavouring to improve the advantages already acquired, that we can hope to obtain the great end to which my views are uniformly directed, the restoration of peace on such terms as may be consistent with our permanent security, and with the general tranquillity of Europe." Gentlemen of the House of I return you my particular thanks for the cheerfulness and dispatch with which you have granted the necessary supplies, and I am happy to reflect that you have been enabled liberally to provide for the exigencies of the public service in a manner so little burthensome to my people. My Lords and Gentlemen, The arrangements which you have formed for the government of the British territories in India, and for the regulation of our commerce with that part of the world, will, I doubt not, secure and augment the important benefits which we have already derived from those valuable possessions. It has been impossible for me to see without concern the embarrassment which has lately arisen in the state of commercial credit, but the steps which you have taken to prevent the progress of that evil appear already to have been productive of very salutary consequences; and while they have afforded a striking instance of your attention to the interests of my people, their effect has furnished additional reason to believe that the distress which has been felt proceeded from a concurrence of temporary causes, and not from any diminution of the real wealth, or any failure in the permanent resources, of the country. I have much satisfaction in reflecting on the effectual protection which I have been enabled to afford to the trade of my subjects since the breaking out of the war; I am at the same time persuaded, that if our commercial interests had unavoidably been affected to a more considerable extent, it would not have been forgotten that we are contending for our future security, and for the permanent preservation of advantages the most striking and the most valuable which any nation has ever, by the blessing of Providence, been permitted to enjoy, dained, in cold blood, the most unheard-of murders on the most respectable and innocent persons, have filled the measure of their iniquities by shedding the blood of their lawful and well-meaning sovereign. For these reasons the king orders me to declare, as I do declare in his name, that all good Frenchmen who, abhorring the erroneous and perverse maxims that have produced, and are productive of an overthrow, as fatal as it is disastrous, shall declare themselves to be attached to their monarch, will find in his majesty every kind of protection and support: that the troops whom I have the honour to command, shall observe the most scrupulous discipline, and shall in no manner attack the safety nor property of any body: that the speediest justice shall be done to every Frenchman who shall make a well-founded complainst against any individual whatever of the Spanish army; and that the troops shall pay ready money for whatever is sold or furnished to them. On the contrary, all those will be persecuted who, persevering in false principles, or deluded by the attraction of an illusory liberty, shall side with the pretended national convention, and act against the good cause, either in a hostile manner by advice, or by suggestions; and all such shall be treated as rebels and traitors to religion, their sovereign, and native country. (Signed) RICARDOS. THE HE army over which the king has been pleased to give me the command, does not enter France with hostile intentions. His majesty, a constant friend of the French monarchy and nation, only proposes to himself to deliver her from the horrid despotism with which she is oppressed and tyrannized by an unlawful, usurping, and unruled assembly, who, after having subverted and trod upon religion, laws, and the safety of public and individual property, after having committed and or- they are such that we must hasten Manifesto of the City of Marseilles to the French Nation... YOU OU know the dangers which threaten the public cause; to to expose ourselves to death in the field of honour, or be butchered by our fire sides. We must save the republic, or perish with it; caress anarchy, or destroy it. We must resume our place among nations, or rank ourselves among the slaves of Asia, or the hordes of savages. When the national representation is dissolved by losing its integrity; when the departments, whose mandatories are shamefully confined, justly consider themselves as not represented; when the majesty of the people is violated by insults offered to their ambassadors; when the faction who wish for a king insolently domineer in that corrupted city which braves us, there is then no middle point: shame and slavery, or to hasten to Paris. If you waste, in deliberating on the evil, that valuable time which ought to be employed in applying the last remedy, your country, your liberty, the honour of the French nation, you, your children, and wives, will be for ever lost. There will be no longer public or private fortune; you will have lost four years of care, trouble, anxiety, battles, and torrents of blood, shed for the noblest of causes. You will lose them without resource: a base handful of factious men murders the liberty of more than twenty-five millions. In this state of crisis and agitation, a voice proceeds from the center and extremities of the republic; it proclaims that the nation have risen to conquer, or bury themselves under its ruins. that revolution of which it set the example. This is the last use which it wishes to make of the freedom of speaking, to manifest its grand resolutions and decisive measures; instead of an armed people, a nation of warriors, who wait only for the signal of battle, the vain preparation of words, it is the courage of actions which we have need of. Let us strike, and let the French, accused so long of being frivolous, prove to the world, that if they were SO under kings, they are become impatient of insult, and terrible like the Gauls and the Franks, from whom they have the honour to be descended. Republicans, men of all countries, who wish for liberty and detest licentiousness, who abhor royalty, and who wish to maintain the republic one and indivisible, join the Marseillese, who express that wish already expressed by a great number of departments. They perceive that the present political situation of Paris is equivalent to a declaration of war against the whole republic. They accuse and denounce to you, as the occasion of all the disorders which afflict France, Philip of Orleans and his faction; the frantic monster who sells to him his howlings, and whose name would disgrace this proclamation; the den of the Jacobins at Paris; the factious and intriguers who are dispersed throughout it, and who make themselves busy in every corner of the republic. Marseilles marks them out as the enemies of the public, who wished to conduct us to the brink of the precipice, to adulterate their monstrous and preconcerted anarchy with a king of |