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The minister of Sweden will no doubt observe, that the rules prescribed in these orders are more favourable to Sweden than those stipulated in the treaty existing between the two courts, as in the treaty all transports of provisions to an enemy are declared contra band, and subject to confiscation.

The exception in favour of Sweden, in the article of these regula-` tions concerning blocked-up ports, is founded upon the same treaty, the principles of which are perfectly consistent with the precriptions given to the commanders of his majesty's armed vessels. It can certainly not be imagined that the object of this treaty has been

His majesty therefore expects, on the part of Sweden, the strictest observance of the said treaty, and" that, according to the conditions expressed in the thirteenth article, orders will be given, that no vessels or goods, taken by the enemy from British subjects, should be per-' mitted to enter into the Swedish ports; and to prevent, in case an enemy's vessel should carry any vessels or goods belonging to British subjects, that captured goods or vessels should be sold in the states of Sweden; and that all British sailors, prisoners, &c. carried into the ports of Sweden, as well as the enemy's vessels themselves, shall not be permitted to make any stay in these ports; and all the British sailors, masters of vessels, and all prisoners at their arrival in any Swedish port, shall immediately be set at liberty.

The following is the Answer of M. Bergstedt, the Chargé d'Affaires from the Court of Stockholm to that of London, delivered to the Minister of his Britannic Majesty.

to permit to the vessels belonging HIS royal highness the duke

to neutral powers to renew their attempts of entering into blockedup ports as many times till they succeed in throwing provisions into them; they have only been exempted from the punishment of confiscation upon the first attempt. His majesty does not doubt but that the court of Sweden will consider the particular attention which his Britannic majesty, on this occasion, paid to the interests of Sweden, and of which this present communication is not less a proof.

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regent of Sweden, having been instructed of the contents of the note which the chargé d'affaires of his Britannic majesty at Stockholm transmitted, by order of his Britannic majesty on the 26th of last month, to excellency the great chance

the Swedish

empire baron Von Sparre, has given orders to the undersigned chargé d'affaires of his Swedish majesty at the court of London, by means of this present official note, to the minister of his Britannic majesty, to declare that his royal


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highness the duke regent of Sweden observed, with inexpressible pleasure, that he had not been mistaken in the favourable opinion which he ever entertained of the principles of justice by which the steps of the court of Great Britain are guided, and of its religious observance of treaties; his royal highness assuring at the same time, that all the points of these treaties shall be observed on his side with not less strictness.

The undersigned, moreover, has special orders from his royal highness the duke regent, to give the strongest assurances on his part, that not only the strictest orders will be given in the name of his majesty of Sweden, respecting the punctual execution of the articles of the treaties of neutrality, but likewise that his royal higliness shall always think it his duty to seize every opportunity to convince his Britannic majesty of the friendship of the court of Sweden, and of his constant desire to preserve and strengthen the harmony and the mutual good understanding which is reigning between the two empires.


Note delivered on the 30th of July to the High Chancellor of Sweden, by the Russian Chargé d'Affaires.


other courts interested in the present war; he has the honour to declare to the said ministers, that her imperial majesty, in consequence of an arrangement made with his Britannic majesty, has resolved to set sail a fleet of twentyfive ships of the line, and some frigates, which is destined to cruize in the north and east seas, to check and cut off the navigation of the French rebels, and to protect the coasts of those seas from their pri vateers and robbers.-The instructions with which the commandér of this fleet is provided, prescribe to him to seize and capture all the ships bearing the pretended French flag, or any other flags which they may dare to hoist; and to stop also, and to compel all neutral ships bound to or freighted for France, according as they shall deem it most expedient, either to sail back, or enter some neutral harbour. After all the proofs which her im perial majesty has given of her magnanimous and most disinterested care to secure the rights of neutral states in time of war, by a code of maritime laws, which most powers have, by solemn treaties, sealed with their approbation, she cannot possibly be suspected of wishing to infringe upon this beneficent and salutary system, as it is no ways applicable to the present circum

Brad minstances.

THEREAS the undersigned chargé d'affaires of her imperial majesty of all the Russias refers to the amicable and confidential overtures which his excellency count Stackelberg, the Russian ambassador, was charged to make to the ministers of his Swedish majesty in the beginning of this year, and in concert with the envoys of

In order to prove and establish this assertion, it will suffice to mention, that the usurpers of the government in France, after having subverted all order, after having embrued their murderous hands in the blood of their king, have declared themselves, by a solemn decree, the friends and protectors of all those who should commit the same hor


rors and excesses against their own goverment in other states; and they have not only promised them succours and every assistance, but even attacked, by force of arms, most of the adjacent powers.

By so doing, they put themselves into an immediate state of war with all the powers of Europe; and from that period, neutrality could only take place where prudence prescribed, to conceal the resolution prescribed by the general interest. But this motive exists no longer, since the most formidable powers have joined in league to make theirs one common cause against the enemy of the safety and prosperity of nations. If there be any whose situation does not allow such strong and decisive efforts as the other powers have recourse to, it is but justice that they should join the common cause by other means which are wholly in their power, and especially by breaking off all commerce and intercourse with the perturbator of public rest. imperial majesty thinks herself the


the justice of these reasons, and of the friendship of his Swedish majesty the empress does not delay to renew her urgent representation to the king her ally, to induce him to persevere in his friendly as well as salutary intentions, having given orders to his admiralty to refuse convoys to all Swedish ships, which, in the present juncture, are bound for France; and to prescribe to all others bound to other harbours, to submit to their being searched by the ships of war of her imperial majesty, which is at present a point absolutely necessary, and compatible with the indulgence and respect that ought to take place between allies and neighbouring powers. (Signed) NOTBEK. Stockholm, July, 30, 1793.

Declaratory Memorial to the Court of Denmark, respecting its Navigation during the War with France, delivered by the British Minister at Copenhagen.

more entitled to propose these mea. No one can be mistaken, how

sures, as she first set the example of them, and introduced them in her dominions, notwithstanding the temporary prejudice which resulted therefrom to the exportation and sale of the productions of her empire. She has but too well foreseen the inconveniencies to which the public weal would be exposed, if the common enemy had been permitted, by means of a free supply of provisions and naval stores, to foster and prolong anarchy. She has but too well foreseen those inconveniencies to hesitate about sacrificing some momentary advantages the least which so great a cause exacts. Equally confident of

much the circumstances of the present war differ from those upon which the law of nations introduced among the powers of Europe, and its usual customs, are founded. It can be as little denied, that this difference must have an important and essential influence upon the exercise of the privileges which belong to the neutral powers, by virtue of the universal law of nations, or by separate treaties.

At present there exists no go. vernment in France, which is acknowledged either by the belligerent powers, or even by those who still adhere to neutrality. The court of Denmark has no minister at Paris; and since the tragical end


of his late most Christian majesty, it has received none from France. This court has taken great care not to acknowledge the existence of a legitimate authority in France; and indeed there exists none in that country: and although special causes have prevented this court from entering into the war, yet it cannot consider France as a power with whom it would find it possible to preserve the former treaties of amity and neutrality.

mark, while she preserves all her neutral privileges of commerce with regard to England-privileges which are secured to her in the usual cases by the universal law of nations and her separate treaties— she can in no respect be assured of the observance thereof in France, where that neutrality has already been and is still daily violated— where his Danish majesty has no minister to enforce his rights and the rights of his subjects-where his Danish majesty acknowledges no lawful authority-and where there are indeed no other laws nor tribunals except the will of a licentious populace.

If, therefore, in usual cases, as neutral powers continue to carry on commerce with two nations engaged in war with each other, and in friendship with the said neutral power, the path of negotiations His Danish majesty will also find ever open, as well as the acknow- it impossible to treat with France in ledged usages of all the jurisdictions an amicable manner, and as a neuin Europe, constantly offer to the tral power, respecting the means of said neutral power means of ascer- introducing those measures of pretaining whether or not the neutra- caution, upon the observance of lity kept by one of those nations which the other belligerent powers is also observed by the other in the have so great a right to insist, in like manner the said neutral order that the prerogative neutral power may ascertain whether that commerce, especially the corn and neutrality is not misused by one of grain trade, be not abused at a those powers to the prejudice of the time when so many circumstances other, and the impartial friendship perfectly new have acceded. It is thereby violated-a friendship to a fact of universal notoriety, that which both nations have an equal the corn trade of France with foclaim; and if, by unforeseen cir- reign countries is no longer a mere cumstances, the usual mode of ex- private trade, but that, contrary to ercising the neutral commercial pri- all custom, it remains almost envileges, should become especially tirely in the hands of the pretended and more detrimental to one of executive council, and of the difthose powers than the other, the in- ferent municipalities. It can, therejured power might, by friendly re- fore, no longer be considered as a presentations, render valid this prin- mere combination of private specuciple with the latter, and renouncelations, of which the individuals of without difficulty a right which ceases to be any longer consistent with that neutrality.

None of these circumstances, is admissible in the present case. DenVOL. XXXV.

other nations partake, but as a business immediately carried on by the above-mentioned pretended.governwhich has declared war


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It is equally notorious, that at the present moment, one of the most essential expedients to compel those who have declared war against us to equitable terms of peace, consists in their being prevented by importation to prevent that want, which is a necessary consequence of what they have done, in order to arm the whole labouring class of the people of France against the other governments and the general tranquillity of Europe. It is a principle allowed by all the writers upon the public right, that importation may be prevented, if there are hopes that by so doing one can conquer an enemy, and especially so, if the want of that enemy has been occasioned by those measures which they took to injure us and it is incontrovertible, that this case, quite new in its kind, cannot he judged by the principles and rules which were only made for wars carried on according to the customs introduced among the sovereigns of Europe.

condemned, nor British subjects and British property be retained, in the ports belonging to a friendly power, whose protection they are entitled to clain, without a direct violation of the treaties; and it is, above all, impossible to apply, in this case; the usual laws of an impartial neutrality, since there is no acknowledged authority in France which can give to privateers the proper instructions respecting their conduct, and to which a neutral powermight apply to bring them to punishment, whenever they deviate from those instructions, on the nonobservance of which they are not te be considered as legal privateers, but only as pirates.

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Answer returned by the Court of Denmark to the Memorial lately delivered by the British Minister.

It is farther to be observed that HIS majesty the king of Den

his Danish majesty, if he gives reception in his ports to French privateers with their prizes, cannot secure to himself that security which is requisite, according to the laws of nations, for the validity of their letters of marque, and for the regularity of their conduct. The courts of justice cannot, without involving themselves in a manifest contradiction, acknowledge the legality of any patent or letter of marque that is derived from a government which his majesty does not acknowledge to be sovereign. On account of this non-acknowledgment, prizes can neither be

mark feels always the liveliest concern whenever he finds himself under the absolute necessity of contending with the principles of the powers in alliance or friendship with his majesty, or of complaining with regard to their pro-ceedings. His majesty was in hopes, that the most conscientious observance of the strictest neutrality, and his intention of acting in conformity to his treaties, would spare him those unpleasant sensations. But the unexpected contents of the note which Mr. Hailes, ambassador extraordinary of his Britannic majesty, has delivered, and which has been supported



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