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There cannot be established any contribution, which by its nature or by its mode of exaction ought to be injurious to the free disposal of property, to the progress of industry and of commerce, to the circulation of capitals, or might produce the violation of the rights recognized and declared by the constitution.

The amount shall be fixed each year by the legislative body, and cannot exceed that term. They are to be published annually.

Relation to Foreign Powers. The French will only take up arms for the sake of their liberty. It renounces all accession of territory, unless by the wish, freely expressed, of its inhabitants.

The declaration of war shall be made by the legislative body; treaties of peace, commerce, and alliance, shall be made by the executive council, and ratified by the legislative body, &c.

Presented by the members forming the committee of constitution. Barrere, Brissot, Condorcet,

Danton, Gensonne, Petion, Sieyes, Thomas Paine, Vergneaud.

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ligious society hath produced: for, although we at this time may thankfully acknowledge that we have not found things in so neglected a condition as in some former years; and some increasing concern appears to have invested the minds of many brethren for the support of our testimonies; yet much remains to be done, and much laborious exercise of spirit to be patiently endured, before our Sion can become, so eminently as we trust she is designed to be, the praise of nations. Friends! may every one of you, who may read or hear of this our tender salutation, closely and effectually consider in what instance, and to what degree, he obstructs, in his practice, the accomplishment of a design so gracious.

Our meeting hath been large, and, through the mercy of our Holy Head and High Priest, hath been favoured with the renewed assistance of his spirit; and, although divers matters have occurred which have been subjects of considerable discussion, we have afresh experienced the prevalence of christian condescension.

The account of sufferings brought in this year amount, in Great Britain, to six thousand and eighty pounds, and, in Ireland, to one thousand six hundred and twentynine pounds. The largest part, as usual, is for those ecclesiastical demands with which we scruple actively to comply, as being the support of a ministry formed by the will of man; and not only inefficacious in combating the desires of the carnal mind, (which, saith the holy scripture, is at enmity with God,) but too generally made subservient in its purposes.

Our correspondence with our brethren

brethren in Ireland and on the continent of America is maintained; and we have received epistles from all the yearly meetings, informing us of their concern for the cause of truth; and, in some of those from America, of their continued care to be, as opportunities offer, the ad. vocates of the oppressed black people. The slow progress in this country of the cause of these our fellow men we lament, but do not despair of its success; and we desire friends may never suffer the cause to cool on their minds, through the delay, which the opposition of interested men hath occasioned, in this work of justice and mercy; but rather be animated to consider, that, the longer the opposition remains, the more necessity there is, on the side of righteousness and benevolence, for steadiness, perseverance, and continued breathing of spirit to the God and Father of all, who formed of one blood all the families of the earth.

From Philadelphia we learn that friends have also had at heart to be instrumental in promoting a pacification with the frontier and other Indians; in which benevolent purpose they are encouraged by the Indians themselves; who, having been accustomed for more than a century, to just and kind treatment from friends, have been induced to repose much confidence in them.

At our last yearly meeting, we were engaged to caution our members against suffering the voice of party to draw any of us from the stedfastness which we may possess to Christ; and now, when war is making its ravages in the adjacent nations, we are again concerned to

exhort friends, that on all occasions, they evince themselves to be indeed the followers of the prince of peace. As we profess to be restrained from joining in a practice so desolating to mankind, let us not indulge the spirit of it in ourselves, or encourage it in others, by making the events of war a frequent subject of conversation; but, so far as we are truly redeemed from those warring lusts in ourselves, to which the apostle ascribes its origin, let us, as enabled, be frequently engaged in secret supplication to the God of the spirits of all flesh, that it may please him "to break the bow, and cut the spear in sunder; making wars to cease unto the end of the earth;" and to enlist the nations under his holy banner, in opposition to those iniquities which are a reproach to the profession of christianity.

Many have been of late the overturnings and failures in the commercial world; and some amongst us have not escaped the disgrace. We desire these things may operate as a call to all of us, who may need the caution, to contract rather than to enlarge our plans for the acquisition of wealth. Let us sooner endeavour to secure a competency, by contracting our wants and limiting our desires; recollecting, that, as Christ, our great example, declared his kingdom not to be of this world, so neither can his faithful followers make it the storehouse of their treasure," Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal: but lay up for Mat. vi. 19, 20, 21.

* James iv. 1. + Psal. xlvi. 9.

yourselves

yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth, nor rust, doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through nor steal. For, where your treasure is, there will your heart be also."

Signed, in and on behalf of the yearly meeting, by

GEORGE BRAITHWAITE, Clerk to the meeting this year."

An Address to the Members of the
Methodist Societies throughout
England, from the Conference as-
sembled at Leeds, Aug. 6, 1793.

Dear Brethren,

E feel it our duty to send

WE you this address, lest the

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subject to the direction of the national episcopaey. In all these things he deviated from the establishment merely on the ground of unavoidable necessity, or, which is the same to a truly pious soul, from the clear manifested providence and will of God, A dilemma, or difficulty, of a similar kind has been experienced by us since the death of Mr. Wesley. A few of our societies have repeatedly imberty of receiving the Lord's supportuned us to grant them the liper from their own preachers. But, desirous of adhering most strictly to the plan which Mr. Wesley laid down, we again and again denied their request. The subject, however, is now come to its crisis. We find that we have no alternative, but to comply with their requisition, or entirely to lose them!O brethren! hate putting away,' especially those who are members of the mystical body of Christ, and our dearly beloved brethren; and

we

insinuations of any who are enemies to our prosperity and unity should grieve your minds, and injure the work of God. Our venerable father, who is gone to his great reward, lived and died a member and friend of the church of Eng-whose only error, where they do land. His attachment to it was so strong and unshaken, that nothing but irresistible necessity induced him to deviate from it in any degree. In many instances God himself obliged him to do this: he powerfully called him forth into the streets and open fields, and afterwards raised to his assistance hundreds of men who never passed through the usual forms of ordination. To all these evident providences of God Mr. Wesley submitted, though at first with great reluctance. In consequence, he found himself obliged to erect chapels, which were neither consecrated according to the usual method of the church of England, nor in the least, VOL. XXXV.

err, is that of the judgment, and not of the heart. And can suffer these to forsake their faithful pastors, and possibly to run into the jaws of some ravening wolf, when the point in contest must be allowed by all to be unessential to salvation? But we are sensible, that our brethren, on the other side, may justly urge," are not our interests as dear to you as theirs? Why then will you grieve us in so tender a point? Why will you oppose us in those particulars, which think of very great importance to the prosperity of Zion? Why will you force upon us a term of communion to which we never consented, or expect us to remain G

we

united

united to those who will be ever grieving us, by pressing the necessity of compliance with that which we judge to be highly injurious to the cause of God?"

Such is the dilemma, dear brethren, to which we have been reduced. We allow the full force of the arguments, which the brethren who disapprove of the administration of the Lord's supper urge as above: nor can we on any consideration lay on them a new term of communion, or suffer a single person among them to be grieved by the reasonings of those who wish for an innovation in our plan. We therefore weighed this delicate subject with the greatest seriousness and deliberation, feeling the greatest pity for those of our brethren who thought themselves aggrieved; and came finally to the following resolution :-" that the sacrament of the Lord's supper shall not be administered by the preachers in any part of our connexion, except where the whole society is unanimous for it, and will not be content ed without it; and, even in those few exempt societies, it shall be administered as far as practicable, in the evening only, and according to the form of the church of England. For we could not bear that the sacrament, which was instituted by our Lord as a bond of peace and union, should become a bone of contention, and are determined never to sanction the administration of that holy ordinance for the purpose of strife and division. You may hence clearly see, dear brethren, that it is the people, in the instances referred to, who have forced us into this farther deviation from our union to the church of England.

Still we wish to be united to it as a body at large. The few societies which answer the description mentioned in the above resolution need but have a small influence on the whole connexion. We cannot, however, we will not, part with any of our flock who love God and man,onaccount ofunessential points. For we love you all, and are the servants of you all, for Jesus' sake. But we intreat our societies at large (the few exempt cases excepted) to continue, as usual, in connexion with the church of England; and we shall, with great cheerfulness and contentment, labour among them according to that simple original plan of methodism established and left to us by our venerable friend. We must observe to you, in conclusion, that we feel the most unfeigned loyalty to the king, and a sincere attachment to the constitution. We reverence the government; are conscious of the many blessings we enjoy under our gracious sovereign, and are thankful to God for them; and do earnestly and sincerely recommend the same principles and spirit to you,

We remain, dear brethren, Your most affectionate servants, And faithful pastors, (Signed in behalf of the conference,)

JOHN PAWSON, President,
THOMAS COKE, Secretary.

Authentic Copy of a Petition praying for a Reform in Parliament, presented to the House of Commons by Charles Grey, Esq. on Monday, 6th May, 1793; and signed only by the Members of the Society of the Friends of the People, associated

ated for the Purpose of obtaining a Parliamentary Reform.

To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled.

Sheweth,

THAT

HAT by the form and spirit of the British constitution, the king is vested with the sole executive power.

That the house of lords consists of lords spiritual and temporal, deriving their titles and consequence either from the crown, or from hereditary privileges.

That these two powers, if they acted without controul, would form either a despotic monarchy, or a dangerous oligarchy.

That the wisdom of our ancestors hath contrived, that these authorities may be rendered not only harmless, but beneficial, and be exercised for the security and happiness of the people.

That this security and happiness are to be looked for in the introduction of a third estate, distinct from, and a check upon the other two branches of the legislature; created by, representing, and responsible to the people themselves.

That so much depending upon the preservation of this third estate, in such its constitutional purity and strength, your petitioners are reasonably jealous of whatever may appear to vitiate the one, or to impair the other.

That at the present day the house of commons does not fully and fairly represent the people of England, which, consistently with what your petitioners conceive to be the principles of the constitution, they consider as a grievance,

and therefore, with all becoming respect, lay their complaints before your honourable house.

That though the terms in which your petitioners state their grievance may be looked upon as strong, yet your honourable house is entreated to believe that no expression is made use of for the purpose of offence.

Your petitioners in affirming that your honourable house is not an adequate representation of the people of England, do but state a fact, which, if the word "Representation" be accepted in its fair and obvious sense, they are ready to prove, and which they think detrimental to their interests, and contrary to the spirit of the constitution.

How far this inadequate representation is prejudicial to their interests, your petitioners apprehend they may be allowed to decide for themselves; but how far it is contrary to the spirit of the constitution, they refer to the consideration of your honourable house.

If your honourable house shall be pleased to determine that the people of England ought not to be fully represented, your petitioners pray that such your determination may be made known, to the end that the people may be apprized of their real situation; but if your honourable house shall conceive that the people are already fully represented, then your petitioners beg leave to call your attention to the following facts:

Your petitioners complain, that the number of representatives assigned to the different counties is grossly disproportioned to their comparative extent, population, and trade.

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