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Address of the proscribed Deputies of the National Convention, order ed to be put under arrest, to the French Nation.

Frenchmen,

W

HEN the liberty of the national representation is no more, and truth is stifled, the temple of the laws must be shut. Thus, unable to execute the trust reposed in us, it is our indispensible duty to instruct you. We shall entirely confine ourselves to evident facts, and leave to you the care of drawing the necessary consequences from them.

A law had been enacted, which prescribed the formation of committees in the different sections of Paris, destined to watch over foreigners and suspicious people. This law was eluded. Instead of those committees, others were formed in the most illegal manner, contrary to the letter of the law as well as its intention.

These illegal revolutionary committees have created a central committee composed of one member from every committee of each section. This central commission, after some clandestine deliberations, has suspended the constituted authorities; it has assumed the title of "The revolutionary council of the department of Paris," and has invested itself with a dic tatorial power, or rather has usurp ed it.

An extraordinary committee had been decreed within the bosom of the convention, to denounce the illegal and arbitrary acts of the different constituted authorities of the republic, to trace and discover the plots framed against the liberty and security of the national represen

tation, and to cause all persons to be arrested who should be denounced as chiefs of conspiracies. Surrounded by an armed force, those revolutionary committees demanded, on the 27th of May, the suppression, of this commission. Their request was decreed; but on the next day, on a nominal call, it was deferred till the committee should have made their report.-(They constantly refused to attend the report.) On the 30th the revolutionary council intimated to the convention their order to suppress the extraordinary committee. Amidst armed petitioners, surrounded by cannon, under continual hissings and hootings from the galleries, some members decreed the suppression of the commission. On the 31st the generale again was beaten; the tocsin sounded, and the alarm-gun fired. At these signals being given, all citizens took up arms, and were ordered to assemble around the convention. Some deputations demanded a decree of accusation against thir ty-five members of the convention. The assembly, who before had unanimously rejected this petition, as calumnious, when in the month of April it was brought forward by some sections, supported by the municipality, now referred it to the committee of public safety, and enjoined the members to give in their report within three days. On the 1st of June, at three in the afternoon, the revolutionary council marched their armed force to invest the national hall; at night they appeared at the bar, and demanded a decree of accusation against the denounced members. The convention passed to the order of the day, and ordered the peti tioners to deposit with the com

and have no other refuge left but in despair, the offspring of vice. Farewell!

Address of the National Convention to the French, printed by its order, and sent to all the Departments,

and to the Armies.

Citizens,

You

YOUR representatives, faithful to their duty and their engagements, have finished the constitution, and are going to convoke the primary assemblies. This is their answer to the calumnies thrown out against them by the enemies of equality and liberty.

It is their duty to explain to you the motives which rendered necessary those indispensable measures of severity, of public safety, and general security, which they took on the 2d of June. The raising of that immortal edifice which is to form your happiness, and the preparing for you a free and popular constitution, claimed their earliest attention; but the grand objects of administration, which the wants of the government and of the armies made the order of the day, could not be neglected.

The national convention having now discharged the first, the most urgent, and the most sacred of its duties, is going in a few days to explain to France the causes of those divisions which have broken forth in its bosom, and which have agitated the whole republic-those causes which have so long interrupted the greatest objects of its deliberations; which have prolonged its discussions, retarded and suspended decisions highly important

to the internal as well as to the external situation of the state; which have revived commotions and civil discord; which have favoured the criminal views of the emi

grants and their accomplices; which have supported the hope of foreign powers of conquering a republic divided, and a prey to faction, and which seemed likely to prevent France from ever having a constitution.

But whilst your happiness is preparing, whilst the moment is at hand when you are going to be enlightened respecting all those events which it is of importance for you to know, and when a legal convocation is about to unite you in primary assemblies, to lay the eternal basis of liberty and equality, the foundation of a republican government— those who have constantly betrayed their country since the commencement of the revolution-those who wished to sacrifice it to their own private interest, their vanity and their passions, give the signal for a civil war in every part of the republic. As the war supported by fanaticism does not make a progress sufficiently rapid, they give a new character to the insurrections which they excite; they mislead by the idolatry of persons and reputations, and by the delusion of political opinions, those whom religious fanaticism is not able to seduce and hurry away. They threaten the republic with a general conflagration.

Long did they pretend to abjure royalty and federalism, but their opinions and conduct spread a too just alarm. At present they publicly declare that there is no longer any centre or point of rallying;

that

that the national convention no longer exists, or that it ought not to be acknowledged.-They invite the departments, to throw off their authority, to raise separate armies, to seize on the national treasures, arsenals, ammunition, and military provisions, and to intercept convoys, communications, and correspondence.

Should their plan be executed, we should soon see as many armies and as many belligerent powers as there are departments; France would be abandoned to more horrors than those experienced by Poland, which has submitted without having drawn the sword to the yoke of three tyrants. It would destroy itself in the presence of the combined powers and their armies collected on our frontiers. Instead of fertile plains and flourishing cities, it would exhibit nothing but fields covered with dead bodies and heaps of ashes.

On the cry of thirty factious men we have seen administrators and magistrates make the people hurry to arms against their country, in departments and cities distinguished till then by the most ardent patriotism.

These administrators, these magistrates, were neither republicans nor friends to liberty and equality; they had only borrowed the language of them, and with the veil of their politics had concealed their ambition and their plans.

Citizens, the traitors who endeavour to mislead you, and to engage you in their revolt, propose to you to march against Paris and the national convention. Can Paris be foreign to the republic? Is it not the asylum of your brethren, and the birth-place of liberty? VOL XXXV.

The citizens of Paris have not only, like you, demanded a constitutionthey have denounced the authors of the misfortunes of France.

When Paris, on the 20th of June last year, proclaimed, by a striking and necessary step, the danger of the country, and the conspiracy of the last of our kings, we saw faithless or misled administrators, traitors to their country, usurping the powers of the sovereign, offering to reinforce the guard of the conspirator, and to send numerous battalions against Paris. France, how ever, was soon enlightened. The federates of the eighty-three departments, when they repaired to Paris, found there only brethren, and shared with them in the dangers and glory of overturning the throne.

France is going also to be instructed respecting the events which rendered necessary the denunciation of May 31, and the decree of arrest passed on the 2d of June against thirty-two members of the national convention. It will approve the wisdom of that measure, and the happy result of it. The citizens of the department of Paris, who rose only to denounce the imminent dangers of their country, and to say to the representatives of the people "Save the state, found the republic," united on the 23d in the bosom of the national convention, to express their joy and celebrate two grand epochs, which in future will be confounded into one in remembrance, and in the same solemnity, the oath taken by the members of the first constituent assembly, and the finishing of the constitution which is going to be presented to you for your acceptance.

Can

and have no other refuge left but in despair, the offspring of vice. Farewell!

Address of the National Convention to the French, printed by its order, and sent to all the Departments,

and to the Armies.

Citizens,

You

YOUR representatives, faithful to their duty and their engagements, have finished the constitution, and are going to convoke the primary assemblies. This is their answer to the calumnies thrown out against them by the enemies of equality and liberty.

It is their duty to explain to you the motives which rendered necessary those indispensable measures of severity, of public safety, and general security, which they took on the 2d of June. The raising of that immortal edifice which is to form your happiness, and the preparing for you a free and popular constitution, claimed their earliest attention; but the grand objects of administration, which the wants of the government and of the armies made the order of the day, could not be neglected.

The national convention having now discharged the first, the most urgent, and the most sacred of its duties, is going in a few days to explain to France the causes of those divisions which have broken forth in its bosom, and which have agitated the whole republic-those causes which have so long interrupted the greatest objects of its deliberations; which have prolonged its discussions, retarded and suspended decisions highly important

to the internal as well as to the external situation of the state; which have revived commotions and civil discord; which have favoured the criminal views of the emigrants and their accomplices; which have supported the hope of foreign powers of conquering a republic divided, and a prey to faction, and which seemed likely to prevent France from ever having a constitution.

But whilst your happiness is preparing, whilst the moment is at hand when you are going to be enlightened respecting all those events which it is of importance for you to know, and when a legal convocation is about to unite you in primary assemblies, to lay the eternal basis of liberty and equality, the foundation of a republican government— those who have constantly betrayed their country since the commencement of the revolution-those who wished to sacrifice it to their own private interest, their vanity and their passions, give the signal for a civil war in every part of the republic. As the war supported by fanaticism does not make a progress sufficiently rapid, they give a new character to the insurrections which they excite; they mislead by the idolatry of persons and reputations, and by the delusion of political opinions, those whom religious fanaticism is not able to seduce and hurry away. They threaten the republic with a general conflagration.

Long did they pretend to abjure royalty and federalism, but their opinions and conduct spread a too just alarm. At present they publicly declare that there is no longer any centre or point of rallying;

that

president walked out of the hall at the head of the convention, and ordered the sentries to withdraw.

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The convention reached the middle of the court without meeting any resistance, but being arrived there, the commander of the armed force ordered them to return. The president told him, that the convention was not to be dictated to; that it held its authority independent of any other power than the French people, and that they alone had a right to command it. The commander, Henriot, drew his sword, ranged his cavalry in order of battle, and ordered the cannoneers to point their cannon. His soldiers were ready to fire. The president turned back, the members followed him, and attempted every outlet in order to escape, but every avenue was closed or defended by cannon. At length the convention, unable to retire, resumed their sitting. What do we say? They returned into their prison, and some members decreed, that Gensonne, Gaudet, Brissot, Gorsas, Petion, Vergniaud, Salles, Barbaroux, Chambon, Buzot, Biroteau, Lidon, Rabaut, Lasource, Lanjuinais, Grangeneuve, Lehardy, Lesage, Kervelegan, Cardien, Boilieu, Bertrand, Vigee, Mollevaut, Lariviere, Gomaire, and Bergoin, should be put under arrest in their own houses. And for why?We must not forget to mention, that on the proposal of Marat, Couthen demanded, that Valaze and Louvet should be added to that number, and that some members gave their consent, for the greatest part of them did not take any share in these humiliating deliberations. After the decree was signed, a

deputation made its appearance to testify its approbation of the decree, and tendered an equal number of citizens to serve as hostages for the arrested members.

Frenchmen! who would be free and republicans, these are facts which no one shall dare to deny; we represent them to you only in a mass, and forbear to enter into details still more atrocious. The national representation, imprisoned, disgraced, deliberating under the pogniards of an audacious faction, is no more. Do not suffer any longer the usurpation of your rights; do not leave in such hands the exercise of the sovereignty of the nation; rescue the liberty, the sacred equality, the unity and indivisibility of the republic; without them France is lost. Reject with horror all propositions tending to any kind of federalism Rally, unite, and be firm, you may still save the public cause. This public cause resides in the whole of your country; it is not confined nor con centrated within the walls of Paris. Your deputies may there perish, but they will die worthy of you, and worthy of themselves; too happy, if after their death their country shall be saved. When the moment of national revenge is come, then, Frenchmen, do not forget that Paris is not guilty, that the citizens of Paris were ignorant of the plot, of which they have been made the blind tools.-No! it is not upon Paris that the dreadful and allpowerful hand of the nation ought to bear down; but on that horde of robbers and criminals who have made themselves masters of Paris, who are devouring Paris and France, who cannot exist without crimes,

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