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gamation, which would be the destruction of a large portion of the finest race in the world.

This little study now comes to a close. An effort has been made to sketch briefly in this chapter the difficulties the South has encountered in dealing with the negro problem, and to outline the measure of success it has achieved. However imperfectly the author may have performed his task, it must be clear to the reader that no such problem as the present was ever before presented to a self-governing people. Never was there so much need of that culture from which alone can come a high sense of duty to others. The negro must be encouraged to be self-helpful and useful to the community. If he is to do all this and remain a separate race, he must have leadership among his own people. In the Mississippi Black Belt there is now a town of some 4,000 negroes, Mound Bayou, completely organized and prospering. It may be that in the future negroes seeking among themselves the amenities of life may congregate into communities of their own, cultivating adjacent lands, as the French do in their agricultural vil

lages. Wherever they may be, they must practise the civic virtues, honesty, and obedience to law. W. H. Councill, a negro teacher, of Huntsville, Alabama, said some years since in a magazine article: "When the gray-haired veterans who followed Lee and Jackson pass away, the negro will have lost his best friends." This is true, but it is hoped that time and culture, while not producing social equality, will allay race animosities and bring the negro other friends to take the place of the departing veterans.

The white man, with his pride of race, must more and more be made to feel that noblesse oblige. His sense of duty to others must measure up to his responsibilities and opportunities. He must accord to the negro all his rights under the laws as they exist.

The South is exerting itself to better its common schools, but it cannot compete in this regard with the North. Northern philanthropists are quite properly contributing to education in the South. They should consider well the needs of both races. Any attempt to give to the negroes advantages superior to those of the whites, who are now

treating the negro fairly in this respect, might look like another attempt to put, in negro language, "the bottom rail on top.'

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Looking over the whole field covered by this sketch, it is wonderful to note how the chain of causation stretches back into the past. Reconstruction was a result of the war; secession and war resulted from a movement in the North, in 1831, against conditions then existing in the South. The negro, the cause of the old quarrel between the sections, is located now much as he was then. How full of lessons, for both the South and the North, is the history of the last eighty years!

There is even a chord that connects the burning of a negro at Coatesville, Pennsylvania, by an excited mob on the 13th of August, 1911, with the burning of the Federal Constitution at Framingham, Massachusetts, by that other excited mob of madmen, under Garrison, on the fourth day of July, 1854. One body of outlaws was defying the laws of Pennsylvania; the other was defying the fundamental laws of the nation.

INDEX

Abolitionists, mobbed, 71; burn
U. S. Constitution, 72; private
lives of leaders irreproachable,
89; become factor in national
politics; Boston captured by;
'slave-catchers" now mobbed;
national election turns on vote,
95-6; anti-slavery in Faneuil
Hall, 97; election again turns
on vote of, 99; impartial ob-
server on influence of, 105; Pro-
fessor Smith on, 106
Abolition petitions in Congress,
influence of, 102

Abolition societies, in 1840, 93
Adams, John Quincy, becomes
champion of Abolitionists, 90;
defends right of petition, 91
Alien and Sedition laws, 1798, 18;
nature of, 19

Americans, world's record for hard
fighting, 201

Andrews, Prof. E. A., slavery con-
ditions South, 79

Anti-slavery people and Abolition-
ists grouped, 104; Douglas
charged "Black Republican'
party with favoring "negro citi-
zenship and negro equality," 167
Aristocracy in South, 159, 160, 161
Articles of Confederation, 15
Author, antecedents, explanation
of, 10-II

Author's conclusions, 242-3-4

Biglow Papers, 97-8

Birney, James G., mobbed, 87

Boston meeting, Dr. Hart over-
looks, 73

Boston Resolutions, 64
Burke, Edmund, on conciliation,
109; spirit of liberty in slave-
holding communities, 158

Calhoun, John C., prophecy of,
167-8

Cause of sectional conflict, Aboli-
tion societies and their methods,
205
Channing, Dr. Wm. E., encomium
on Great Britain, 39; letter to
Webster, 47; opinion of Aboli-
tionists, 87; his change, 88
Characters and careers, of Abra-
ham Lincoln and Jefferson Da-
vis, 188-192
Churches, North and South, oppo-
sition to slavery; a stupendous
change, 67; "whole cloth ar-
rayed against" Garrison, 68;
Southern churches still defend
slavery; Northern changed;
Methodist church disrupted, 70
Coatesville lynching, 224

Colonies, juxtaposed, not united,

15
Colonization Society, origin of and
purposes, 44; its supporters, 45;
making progress; Abolitionists
halted it, 46

Compromise of 1850; excitement
in Congress, 106; great leaders
in; Webster on 7th of March,
107; Clay's speech, 112; new
fugitive slave law gave offence,

128

Confederate States with old Con-
stitution changes slight, 186
Constitution, Alien and Sedition
Laws first palpable infringe-
ment, 3; powers conferred by
discussed, 16; as supreme law
Southerners still cling to, 207
Cope, Prof. E. D., advocated de-
portation to prevent amalgama-
tion, 241

Cotton gin, accepted theory as to
denied, 12

Courage of, and losses in, both ar-
mies, 195

Criminality, of negroes greater
than of whites, 240

Cromwell and the Great Revolu-
tion, analogy to, 8
Curtis, George Ticknor, quotation
from "Life of Buchanan," 14

Davis, Jefferson, farewell speech,
181; doubts about success-sad-
ness, 190

Democrats, North, opposed negro
suffrage, 212

Deportation, no country ready to
take negro, 82

Disunion, project among Federal-
ist leaders, 1803-4, 25; senti-
ment in Congress, 1794, 24

Emancipation, easy North; dif-
ficult South, 40; Federal gov-
ernment, no power over, 41;
status North in 1830, 52
Emancipations, South, what ac-
complished in 1831, 50; census
tables, 51

Embargo of 1807, why repealed,
26

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, eulogizes
John Brown, 15

Everett, Edward, denunciation of
John Brown expedition, 152
Extradition, refused, of abductors
of slaves, Supreme Court power-
less, 176

Federalists, construed Constitu-
tion liberally, 17

Fite, Professor at Yale, declares
Republicans in 1860 hoped to
destroy slavery, 175; justifica-
tion of secession, 182

Freedman's Bureau, its composi-
tion, 221

Free speech, Channing defends
Abolitionists as champions of,
87; John Quincy Adams be-
comes advocate, 90
Fugitive slave law, North not
opposing in 1828, 53; Missouri
Compromise provided for, 54

Garrison, William Lloyd, began
Liberator; personality and char-
acteristics, 56; key-note, slavery
the concern of all; slave-holders
to be made odious, 58

Godkin, E. L., on negro as factor
in politics, 237

Greeley, Horace, draws comfort
from John Brown's raid, 153

Hartford Convention, 28
Helper, Hinton Rowan, his book,
165
Higher law idea, prompted Abo-
lition Crusade-and Czolgosz to
murder McKinley, 206

Immigration and Union sentiment;
number of immigrants, 33; few
South, 34,

Incendiary literature, sent South,
62; North aroused; Andrew
Jackson's message, 63; Boston
Resolutions, 64; indictment in
Alabama; requisition on Gov-
ernor of New York, 98
Incompatibility of slavery and
freedom; Lincoln's Springfield
speech, 81; Garrison first to
announce doctrine; Abraham
Lincoln next; then Seward,
147-8
Insurrections,

Denmark Vesey
plot at Charleston, 59; Nat
Turner in Virginia; Walker's
pamphlet, 60

Irish patriots, Mitchel and Mea-
gher, divide on secession, 35

John Brown's raid, 149; his secret
committee, 15I

Johnson, Andrew, succeeding
Lincoln, carried out plan, 213
Johnston, Sir Harry, on negro in
South, highest degree of ad-
vancement, 257

Kansas, fierce struggles in; Sum-
ner's bitter speech, 142-3
Kansas-Nebraska Act, Douglas
originated, 135; aggravated sec-
tionalism, 136

Kentucky Resolutions, 1798, 19;
Jefferson the author, 20; copy
of first of, 21

Kentucky and Virginia Resolu-
tions of 1798-9; Secessionists
relied on, 21; Jefferson and
Madison's reasons for, 22

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