CHAPTER 23. The People Decide. 1860. The first grand cyclic of the sectional conflict was closed with the result of the Presidential campaign following the organization of parties just described. Everywhere, in the free States, that Republican party orators spoke, their theme was, the rights of an universal humanity; license, rather than measured and noble discipline; tolerance for the darknesses, in which the theory of the "higher law" groped.* The military spirit spontaneously broke forth at all points. The Wide Awakes paraded in numbers and enthusiasm decisive of unquenchable ardor. Even more conclusive of war was the Zouaves, uniformed in the most captivating insignia, trained for public display in the most intricate and inspiring tactics, passing from field to field in widely separated States, the most popular nucleus of martial spirit any times ever supplied. In all Southern States, militia laws were revised and enlarged and from every stump a people, universally trained in the more essential arts of war, were instructed of the approaches of the conflict. The new party was a composite-made up of organizations and sub-organizations, white people and black, both sexes and all degrees and conditions, orthodox and infidel. The new party embodied an ardor which no argument could temper and fixed its foundations *Anything more low, obscene, purulent than our politics the manifold bearings of history have not cast up," wrote Rufus Choate, of the elements preparing to organize this party. upon an idea which no vexed question of political equity could moderate. Would Breckenridge's election, failing to suppress them, add fuel to the flames the new party had kindled? * The acrimony of the campaign was intensified by the re-appearance of Mr. Sumner in his seat in the Senate after four years absence, following the attack of Brooks "a protracted seclusion enjoined by medical skill," he announced to the body. He at once proceeded to deliver an oration of polished invective four hours in length, on the "Barbarism of Slavery," a campaign speech. Senators and Representatives from the South were: * "As Polish aristocracy ascending in audacity, entering the halls of Congress as they have raged at home. A barbarous standard is established; a duel is not dishonorable; a contest peculiar to slavemasters, known as 'street fight,' is not shameful; and modern imitators of Cain have a mark set upon them, not for reproach and condemnation but for compliment and approval." When the Massachusetts Senator resumed his seat Senator Chesnut, from South Carolina, by previous understanding with the Southern Senators, took the floor. The vice-President, Mr. Breckenridge, had already called Mr. Bigler, from Pennsylvania, to preside. Mr. Chesnut said: "Mr. President, after the extraordinary, though characteristic speech just uttered in the Senate, it is proper that I assign the reason for the position we are now inclined to assume. After ranging over Europe, crawling through the back doors to whine at the feet of British aristocracy, craving pity and reaping a rich harvest of contempt, the slanderer of States and men re-appears in the Senate. We had hoped to be relieved from the outpourings of such vulgar malice. We had hoped that one who had felt, though ignominiously he failed to meet the consequences of a former insolence, would have become wiser if not better by experience. In this I am disappointed, and I regret it. Sir, we do not intend to contribute by any conduct on our part, to * * A press telegram, of September 25, 1860, announced, from Tiffin, Ohio: "A "Wide-Awakes, Wide-Awakes come out to-night "Wide-Awakes, Wide-Awakes come out to-night increase the devotees at the shrine of this new idol. We know what is expected and what is desired. These are the reasons which I feel it due to myself and others to give to the Senate and to the country, why we have quietly listened to what has been said and why we can take no other notice of the matter." Mr. Sumner's speech was published in pamphlet form, Mr. Chesnut's reply comprising an appendix, and was eagerly sought by committees and orators of the Republican party. The occurrence and the sectional utterances attending it, are important to the explanation of the times. Mr. Sumner's assumption that, there was a peculiar disregard of human life, growing out of the influences of Southern society, will, of course, stand or fall upon evidence. The census supplies the following facts bearing upon social customs in Massachusetts and Alabama, for example, in the year 1860, and these two States are chosen here, because of the approximate equality of their numbers of population, to stand in contrast: So active and skilled were the leaders of Bell's and of Douglas' cause, in Alabama, that Mr. Yancey resolved to leave nothing undone which would retain the devotion of his own State to the cause of Breckenridge. He entered upon a general canvass of the central and upper counties, speaking at Cahaba, Selma, Marion, Livingston, Union Town, Eutaw, Centreville and other places. Passing to the Valley of the Tennessee, he was received with extraordinary demonstrations of popular joy. Great audiences of gentlemen and ladies met him at Huntsville, Decatur, Courtland, Tuscumbia, Florence. It was determined that he should speak at Memphis, Ten nessee. There are strategic points to be occupied by political as well as military campaigns. The commercial position of Memphis, at a period when the Mississippi was the main artery of communication between the Northwest and the Southwest, brought no small political influence, of a peculiar kind, into the very heart of the slave States. True, also, that the territory which supplied the bulk of the commerce of the town, up and down the river and on either bank, was occupied by tens of thousands of slaves and a few white men, their overseers. The insalubrious climate of the plantations compelled the owners, with families, to fix their homes elsewhere, and many were not even citizens of the States containing their plantations. It was desired that Mr. Yancey should deliver, at Memphis, a speech which would interpret the national character of the Breckenridge campaign. The day was appointed-August 14. The Memphis Breckenridge and Lane Young Men's Club took charge of the arrangements. Far and wide the announcement went out that Yancey and Henry A. Wise would speak from the same stand the same evening. At the last moment, Wise declined, writing: "I am a lover of the Union. Upon the efforts of honest, bold and gifted leaders like Yancey must its defense and perpetuity rest." Most active, too, were the personal and political foes of Yancey in preparing for the event. Newspapers at Memphis, at Nashville, at Washington City, at Atlanta and the Confederation, under Seibles, at Montgomery, labored ardently, in concert, to excite public prejudice for the occasion. The Slaughter letter, now styled the "scarlet" letter, was re-printed and re-interpreted by hostile minds; Yancey, at Memphis, would install a Chapter of the League of United Southerners, yet the League had lived, even at Montgomery, only three months and had been dead two years; Yancey would urge the African slave trade and immediate secession, yet he had never urged the trade and was laboring for the Union. Steamers from above and below, railroad trains, wagons, coaches and troops of saddle horses delivered upon the streets of the town, on Tuesday and Wednesday, a concourse of citizens more excited and more numerous than ever before had been collocated there. Mr. Yancey arrived on the morning of the 14th and was received by his friends with distinguished honors while his enemies frowned and, in coteries upon the streets, spoke threateningly. He was forewarned of the prevailing temper of the crowd and was even advised by discreet persons not to meet his appointment for the evening. Bell men, Douglas men and Breckenridge men comprised the expected audience and to his own, the minority, party must the orator look for countenance. At eight o'clock he took the place assigned him in a great and boisterous procession. In a few minutes he ascended the stand erected for him on a vacant lot brilliantly illuminated. Hundreds of anxious faces of ladies peered from the windows overlooking the four sides of the square. Jeers and cries of derision greeted him as he rose. In perfect self-poise the orator winged his opening sentence to the outskirts of the surging mass. The mob vied with his tones for the mastery. And in this contention, sentence followed sentence. Yancey never quailed before nor quarreled with an audience. The hooting began to subside. "The country, my friends (he said, at length) has for many years been alarmed for its fate under this government. This grave, dignified and mighty issue has driven statesmen and parties before it; and no party, save the Democratic party, has been able to stand before it. (Bravo,' cried a voice.) Whether that party shall exist longer and be a barrier against sectional, unconstitutional aggression, shall be my theme to-night. The unity of that party is interwoven with the very safety of your institutions and your rights. (H-o-orah for D-o-o-glis,' cried a voice from the rear. 'Give me two hours longer, my friend,' was the answer from the orator.) It is due to frankness and to the truth of history to state that Mr. Douglas has had designs upon the integrity of the Democratic party ever since the Northern people failed, under the Nebraska-Kansas act, to obtain the dominancy of the Territory of Kansas; and when it became apparent that the Southern men had obtained advantages under the act (You're right,' cried a voice) and that Kansas under those advantages, if fairly dealt with, would be admitted into the Union as a slave State, that he determined to war against the principle of that act and to keep Kansas out of the Union as a slave State; and, if necessary, to dismember the Democratic party and to rely for support in the controversy upon the anti-slavery sentiment of the Northern people. This I shall undertake to prove. * * It is common to say Alabama attempted to dictate. It is no dictation for me to claim all my Constitutional rights and to forbid others from trampling |