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forms, and there was therefore much less | daily labour on which he is strictly dependent desire for further innovations. The events which were taking place in other countries, being to a great extent the result of their constitutional systems, had made the people of this country much less anxious for change.

Lord Palmerston had undoubtedly reached the stage when "rest and be thankful," though not quite in the sense that Mr. Bernal Osborne afterwards used it, is the motto most likely to be adopted; but his opinions on the subject of further measures of reform were not shared by some of his colleagues-certainly not by Mr. Gladstone. About a month afterwards this was made conspicuously evident during the debate on Mr. Baines's bill for lowering the franchise in boroughs. This, like the proposal of Mr. Locke King, had frequently been before the house, and though it had not been accepted, there was a general feeling that it indicated reform in a direction to which attention must soon be turned. That Mr. Gladstone should already be looking that way was not surprising, but few members of the house had expected that he would give so decided a support to the proposed measure, or that he would so unmistakably express his dissent from the propositions laid down by Lord Palmerston. He was of opinion that there should be a considerable addition to the numbers of the working-classes who were in possession of the franchise.

"We are told," he said, "that the workingclasses don't agitate; but is it desirable that we should wait until they do agitate? In my opinion agitation by the working-classes upon any political subject whatever is a thing not to be waited for, not to be made a condition previous to any parliamentary movement, but, on the contrary, is to be deprecated, and, if possible, prevented by wise and provident measures. An agitation by the workingclasses is not like an agitation by the classes above them having leisure. The agitation of the classes having leisure is easily conducted. Every hour of their time has not a money value; their wives and children are not dependent on the application of those hours of labour. When a working man finds himself in such a condition that he must abandon that

for his daily bread, it is only because then, in railway language, the danger signal is turned on, and because he feels a strong necessity for action, and a distrust of the rulers who have driven him to that necessity. The present state of things, I rejoice to say, does not indicate that distrust; but if we admit that, we must not allege the absence of agitation on the part of the working-classes as a reason why the parliament of England and the public mind of England should be indisposed to entertain the discussion of this question." Mr. Gladstone denied that there was any essential reason for drawing a marked distinction between the middle class and a select portion of the working-classes, so far as related to the exercise of the franchise. He advocated the extension of the franchise on the ground that it would tend to advance that unity of classes which was now in progress throughout the country.

This speech caused a flutter among halfhearted Liberals, and it was felt that such a decided expression of opinion denoted approaching changes, in spite of Lord Palmerston's declarations. The effect on the country was considerable, while among the electors at Oxford a large number began to regard such utterances with a degree of distrust, which was deepened when in the following year their representative, instead of denouncing any interference with the Established Episcopal Church in Ireland, seemed to admit that the time would arrive when some interposition of the government would be necessary.

The country at large did not, perhaps, attach much immediate importance to the remarks made by the chancellor of the exchequer in the debate which arose at the end of March, 1865, on Mr. Dillwyn's motion; but the electors of the university regarded these utterances with grave suspicion.

Mr. Dillwyn had proposed "that the present position of the Irish Church establishment is unsatisfactory, and calls for the early attention of her majesty's government." The motion. was opposed by Sir George Grey, who declared that the government was not prepared to bring forward a measure calculated to produce the

THE IRISH CHURCH.

result that Mr. Dillwyn desired, namely, the entire abolition of the Irish establishment. Mr. Gathorne Hardy also spoke strongly against the proposition. When Mr. Gladstone rose he at once entered frankly into the question, and admitted that the position of the church in Ireland was unsatisfactory.

"There is not the slightest doubt," he said, "that if the Church of England is a national church, and that if the conditions upon which the ecclesiastical endowments are held were altered at the Reformation, that alteration was made mainly with the view that these endowments should be intrusted to a body ministering to the wants of a great majority of the people. I am bound to add my belief that those who directed the government of this country in the reign of Queen Elizabeth acted in the firm conviction that that which had happened in England would happen in Ireland; and they would probably be not a little surprised if they could look down the vista of time, and see that in the year 1865 the result of all their labours had been that, after 300 years, the church which they had endowed and established ministered to the religious wants of only one-eighth or one-ninth part of the community." Thus, although the government were unable to agree to the resolution, they were not prepared to deny the abstract truth of the former part of it. They could not assert that the present position of the establishment was satisfactory. The Irish Church, as she then stood, was in a false position. It was much more difficult, however, to decide upon the practical aspect of the question, and no one had ventured to propose the remedy required for the existing state of things. This question raised a whole nest of political problems; for while the vast majority of the Irish people were opposed to the maintenance of large and liberal endowments for a fragment of the population, they repudiated any desire to appropriate these endowments, and firmly rejected all idea of receiving a state provision for themselves. How could the government, in view of these facts, substitute a satisfactory for an admittedly unsatisfactory state of things? They were unable to do so. Consequently "we feel that we ought to de

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cline to follow the honourable gentleman into the lobby, and declare that it is the duty of the government to give their early attention to the subject; because if we gave a vote to that effect we should be committing one of the gravest offences of which a government could be guilty-namely, giving a deliberate and solemn promise to the country, which promise it would be out of our power to fulfil."

Mr. Whiteside, who had been the Conservative attorney-general for Ireland, violently opposed Mr. Gladstone's opinions, and the debate was adjourned not to be renewed in that parliament. Mr. Gladstone, some time afterwards, in writing to Dr. Hannah, warden of Trinity College, Glenalmond, reviewed the position as he regarded it, and explained his own action or want of action in relation to it:

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Because the question is remote, and apparently out of all bearing on the practical politics of the day, I think it would be for me worse than superfluous to determine upon any scheme or basis of a scheme, with respect to it. Secondly, because it is difficult; even if I anticipated any likelihood of being called upon to deal with it, I should think it right to take no decision beforehand on the mode of dealing with the difficulties. . . . I think I have stated strongly my sense of the responsibility attaching to the opening of such a question, except in a state of things which gave promise of satisfactorily closing it. For this reason it is that I have been so silent about the matter, and may probably be so again; but I could not, as a minister and as member for Oxford University, allow it to be debated an indefinite number of times and remain silent. One thing, however, I may add, because I think it a clear landmark. In any measure dealing with the Irish Church, I think (though I scarcely expect ever to be called on to share in such a measure) the act of Union must be recognized, and must have important consequences, especially with reference to the position of the hierarchy."

He evidently had little idea that he would so soon be called upon to deal with the disestablishment of the Irish Church as a "burning" question, nor did many other people

think so at that time. But some of his constituents at Oxford took alarm; others, who had for some time been watching him with suspicion, announced their intention of abandoning him at the general election. A large number who were firm and faithful, and who admired his determined freedom of opinion, supported him with marked enthusiasm. They were not numerous enough to carry his election, however. He was opposed by Mr. Gathorne Hardy, a pronounced Conservative, who, as we have seen, was a strong advocate for maintaining the Established Church in Ireland. Mr. Gladstone's former colleague, Sir William Heathcote, was unopposed, and it was arranged that the supporters of both the other candidates should give him their second vote. By an act passed in the previous parliament, elections for the universities might be conducted by voting-papers sent to the vice-chancellors, and the poll was kept open for five days; but many distinguished men went up personally to accord their vote for the chancellor of the exchequer. There was a general feeling that to discard him would be a disgrace if not a calamity to the university, and as a matter of fact it was not by the lack of real university votes that he lost the election. His defeat was due to the opposition of the non-residents. Of the 250 residents 155 voted or paired in his favour; those who voted against him were the men who had left the university, and had no sympathy with its advances or its changed mode of thought since they had ceased to be connected with it.

With a majority in the important colleges, Mr. Gladstone received 1724 votes, Mr. Hardy, 1904; and Sir W. Heathcote, 3236-a large number of electors plumping for Mr. Gladstone, and the total number of votes being larger than had been registered at any previous election. Among the distinguished men who voted for the chancellor of the exchequer were the Bishops of Durham, Oxford, and Chester, Earl Cowper, the Dean of Westminster, the Dean of Christchurch, Professors Farrar, Rolleston, and Max Müller, the Dean of Lichfield, Sir J. T. Coleridge, Sir Henry Thompson, the Rev. Dr. Jelf, the Bodleian

Librarian, Sir F. T. Palgrave, the Right Hon. S. Lushington, the Dean of St. Paul's, the Rev. John Keble, the Principal of Brasenose, the Dean of Peterborough, Professor Conington, the Rev. J. B. Mozley, Mr. E. A. Freeman, Chief Justice Erle, Dr. Pusey, Professor Jowett, Mr. Cardwell, the Marquis of Kildare, and the Rector of Lincoln.

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"After an arduous connection of eighteen years I bid you respectfully farewell," wrote Mr. Gladstone to the members of convocation. My earnest purpose to serve you, my many faults and shortcomings, the incidents of the political relations between the university and myself, established in 1847, so often questioned in vain, and now at length finally dissolved, I leave to the judgment of the future. It is one imperative duty, and one alone, which induces me to trouble you with these few parting words--the duty of expressing my profound and lasting gratitude for indulgence as generous and support as warm and enthusiastic in itself, and as honourable from the character and distinctions of those who have given it, as has, in my belief, ever been accorded by any constituency to any representative."

Whatever may have been the regrets of those thoughtful churchmen who regarded Mr. Gladstone as the representative of opinions which must prevail if the church itself were to be at once free and truly authoritative, the Liberals outside Oxford and all over the country felt no little satisfaction when they heard that the chancellor of the exchequer was cut loose from the trammels of a representation which necessarily often restrained him from fully expressing his convictions on points of Liberal policy. There was nothing unworthy in this reticence, for his association with Oxford had been a sentimental as well as a practical one; and the deep regard he entertained for the university, as well as the honour which he felt it to be to represent it in parliament, made him careful to avoid giving needless offence to those who were already watching him with something like suspicion.

The regrets of many eminent men of various shades of opinion may be well exemplified by the few words of remonstrance addressed by

GLADSTONE'S DEFEAT AT OXFORD.

Dr. Pusey to the editor of a periodical professing to represent the views of churchmen, and delighting in Mr. Gladstone's defeat and the return of his opponent. "You are natu

rally rejoicing," said the letter, "over the rejection of Mr. Gladstone, which I mourn. Some of those who concurred in that election, or who stood aloof, will, I fear, mourn hereafter with a double sorrow because they were the cause of that rejection. I, of course, speak only for myself, with whatever degree of anticipation may be the privilege of years. Yet, on the very ground that I may very probably not live to see the issue of the momentous future now hanging over the church, let me, through you, express to those friends through whom I have been separated, who love the church in itself, and not the accident of establishment, my conviction that we should do ill to identify the interests of the church with any political party; that we have questions before us, compared with which that of the establishment (important as it is in respect to the possession of our parish churches) is as nothing. The grounds alleged against Mr. Gladstone bore at the utmost upon the establishment. The establishment might perish, and the church but come forth the purer. If the church were corrupted, the establishment would become a curse in proportion to its influence. As that conflict will thicken, Oxford, I think, will learn to regret her rude severance from one so loyal to the church, to the faith, and to God."

These were weighty words; and it was not alone men who held views similar to those of the regius professor of Hebrew who saw in Mr. Gladstone a faithful representative of the church, as we have seen by the names already mentioned of those who were among his determined supporters.

Mr. Gladstone's own feeling was one of relief. He had a sense of freedom. The time had come when he felt impelled to speak out-the time had come, and with it the opportunity. In South Lancashire his name had been proposed to the Liberal electors directly it was seen that the election in Oxford might go against him; and to South Lancashire he hastened after having closed his political asso

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ciation with Oxford. He issued his address from Manchester on the 18th of July. It was short and effective.

"You are conversant-few so much sowith the legislation of the last thirty-five years. You have seen-you have felt its results. You cannot fail to have observed the verdict which the country generally has, within the last eight days, pronounced upon the relative claims and positions of the two great political parties with respect to that legislation in the past and to the prospective administration of public affairs. I humbly, but confidently-without the least disparagement to many excellent persons from whom I have the misfortune frequently to differ-ask you to give your powerful voice in confirmation of that verdict, and to pronounce with significance as to the direction in which you desire the wheels of the state to move. Before these words can be read I hope to be among you in the hives of your teeming enterprise."

Mr. Gladstone made his appearance in Manchester in the afternoon of the same day, and addressed a crowded meeting in the Freetrade Hall. "At last, my friends," he said, "I am come among you-and I am come, to use an expression which has become very famous, and is not likely to be forgotten, I am come among you'unmuzzled.' After an anxious struggle of eighteen years, during which the unbounded devotion and indulgence of my friends maintained me in the arduous position of representative of the University of Oxford, I have been driven from my seat. I have no complaint to make of the party which has refused to me the resumption of that place. I cannot say that I am glad of it; but they are the majority, and they have used their power. As they have used it, I appeal to you, the men of my native county, to know whether that which has disqualified me from representing the University of Oxford has also disabled me from representing you. But, gentlemen, do not let me come among you under false colours or with false pretences. I have loved the University of Oxford with a deep and passionate love, and as long as I breathe that attachment will continue; if my affection is of the smallest advantage to that great, that

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ancient, that noble institution, that advantage, such as it is, and it is most insignificant, Oxford will possess as long as I live. But don't mistake the issue which has been raised. The university has at length, after eighteen years of self-denial, been drawn by what I might, perhaps, call an overweening exercise of power, into the vortex of mere politics. Well, you will readily understand why, as long as I had a hope that the zeal and kindness of my friends might keep me in my place, it was impossible for me to abandon them. Could they have returned me by a majority of one, painful as it is to a man of my time of life, and feeling the weight of public cares, to be incessantly struggling for his seat, nothing could have induced me to quit that university to which I had so long ago devoted my best care and attachment. But by no act of mine I am free to come among you. And having been thus set free, I need hardly tell you that it is with joy, with thankfulness, and enthusiasm that I now, at this eleventh hour, a candidate without an address, make my appeal to the heart and the mind of South Lancashire, and ask you to pronounce upon that appeal. As I have said, I am aware of no cause for the votes which have given a majority against me in the University of Oxford, except the fact that the strongest conviction that the human mind can receive, that an overpowering sense of the public interests, that the practical teachings of experience, to which from my youth Oxford herself taught me to lay open my mind--all these had shown me the folly and, I will say, the madness of refusing to join in the generous sympathies of my countrymen by adopting what I must call an obstructive policy."

The sense of freedom spoke in these words— and they were responded to with exuberant enthusiasm by those who heard them. A mighty shout that rang through the vast hall, densely crowded with thousands of listeners, greeted the phrase that he had come there unmuzzled, and showed that he was understood and appreciated. At that moment he must have felt that he was now taking a step that would place him in the front of the party to which he had hitherto seemed sometimes to give only an incomplete support.

In Manchester, Liverpool, and all the large towns he was returned at the head of the poll; in the total polling he came third, two Conservative candidates, Messrs. Egerton and Turner. preceding him, the fourth candidate, who would have been returned but for Mr. Gladstone's election, was Mr. Leigh, also a Conservative, the fifth and sixth on the poll, who were also defeated, were Mr. Thompson and Mr. Heywood, both Liberals.

The result of the elections throughout the country was a considerable gain to the Liberal party. The city of London returned Messrs. Goschen, Crawford, Lawrence, and Rothschild, all Liberals; in Westminster John Stuart Mill was at the head of the poll, and he had not failed to pronounce pretty clearly what were his views on electoral reform. He said:

“With regard to reform bills, I should vote at once both for Mr. Baines's bill and for Mr. Locke King's, and for measures going far beyond either of them. I would open the suffrage to all grown persons, both men and women, who can read, write, and perform a sum in the rule of three, and who have not, within some small number of years, received parish relief. At the same time, utterly abominating all class ascendency, I would not vote for giving the suffrage in such a manner that any class, even though it be the most numerous, could swamp all other classes taken together. In the first place, I think that all considerable minorities in the country or in a locality should be represented in proportion to their numbers. I should be prepared to support a measure which would give to the labouring classes a clear half of the national representation."

Altogether it became evident that a new Reform Bill was at least among the probabilities of the next parliament. Of the 657 members returned during the elections 367 were recorded as Liberals and 290 as Conservatives.

It was an exciting contest, and the speeches of candidates, especially those of well-known statesmen and orators, were eagerly read. But the sound of one earnest and well-known voice was still. Early in the spring of the year Richard Cobden had gone to his rest.

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