talents ought to have been limited. But what moral tendency can we attribute to expressions like the following?

Nor ask for a reward to your labours. To be thus employed is itself happiness. It is to be fellow-workers with the Father of Nature, in the prosperity of his people. It is to give men to society, citizens to your country, and children to your God.' p. 216.

• Of that illustrious man (Nelson) whose memory is now present to every heart, and whose loss has dimmed the eye of public exultation, I have not the confidence either to attempt the praise or to deplore the fall. I remember that there is a silence more impressive than words; and still more, that there is a veil drawn by the hand of Heaven, between the "spirit that enters into the joy of his "Lord," and those feeble accents of mortal praise that follow its ascension.' p. 234.

nature, in these hours has lessons to us all-which come to us with that gentle and unreproaching voice, wnich delights while it instructs us, and which marks the fine education of Him who is the Father of our spirits.' p. 336.

In the character of our Saviour, on the contrary, there is always something above the world:-a superiority alike to all that is great and all that is weak in man;-a forgetfulness of himself which results rather from nature than from effort, and which assimilates him, in our opinion to some higher and purer order of existence.' p. 116.

There are emotions which every where characterize the different seasons of the year. In its progress, the savage is led, as well as the sage, to see the varying attributes of the Divine Mind;-and in its magnificent circle, it is fitted to awaken in succession, the loftiest sentiments of piety which the heart can feel.' p. 431.

We shall quote only one passage more, containing a misapplication of Scripture, which borders at once on bombast and impiety. We believe it has no parallel in the volume.

These days, too, are over. "He hath blown with his wind, and "they are scattered." The cross is again triumphant in the sky, and in its sign the faithful have conquered. The might of the gospel hath infused itself into the soldier's arm; and, while the foe is prostrate upon the ground, the mild, but thrilling voice, seems again to be heard from Heaven, "I am Jesus, whom thou persecutest." p. 460.

We could enumerate many other passages of an equally equivocal meaning, or of a description equally exceptionable. It is, however, to the general strain of these Discourses, that our animadversions are designed chiefly to apply; and it is rather what is excluded from them, than what they positively contain, that renders them objectionable. We could have forgiven the philosopher for having attributed to the impressions of material beauty,

a moral efficiency in meliorating the character, (which is, however, altogether chimerical,) had he at the same time referred to the necessity of a change of heart, to the production of which, any agency short of Omnipotence is inadequate. We could have allowed him to exult in the dignity of human nature, if this exultation had been tempered by the acknowledgement, that man has fallen from God, and through sin has become a mighty ruin, which none but the Almighty Creator can restore. We could have admired the exalted eloquence with which the Preacher descants upon the magnificent works of creation, and by which he would win his hearers to ennobling contemplations, if he had but consecrated the loftiest sentiments of piety,' to the mysteries of Redemption, and reserved his most persuasive eloquence, as the minister of Christ, for beseeching men to be "reconciled "to God." The ministry of reconciliation is not, we lament to say, the ministry to which these pages are devoted. That they contain much wisdom clothed in much beauty, we do not wish to deny; but we are reminded that there is a species of wisdom, which is foolishness with God. They display indeed a captivating splendour of style, by which they may dazzle the imagination; but when estimated according to their practical value, they can be considered only as a splendid trifle.

Art. V. 1. De L'Interêt de la France à l'Egard de la Traite des Nègres. Par J. C. L. Simonde de Sismondi. 8vo. pp. 52. price 3s. Londres. Schulze et Dean, Poland-street. 1814.

2. A Letter to his Excellency Prince Talleyrand Perigord, &c. &c. &c. on the Subject of the Slave Trade. By William Wilberforce, Esq. M. P. 8vo. pp. 83. Price 3s. Hatchard. 1814.

'IT is astonishing,' remarks the eloquent Author of the first of these pamphlets, that the great interests of Europe which are to be discussed at the Congress of Vienna, have hitherto 'occupied so little of the attention of political writers. The cir'cumstances under which that Congress is proceeding to determine the fate of the Universe, are so novel and unforeseen, that ' even the most skilful statesmen cannot be supposed to possess a 'deep knowledge of the interests of each government. There appears, indeed, to prevail in the public mind, a degree of apathy as to the result of those deliberations, to be accounted for only by that weariness of expectation, and that distrust of change, which the calamities of Europe have induced. It is not to be disguised, that the blessings of Peace have not as yet been realized. That confidence, which is one of its most eVOL. III. N.S.

F

cious fruits, is of slow growth, and requires the quickening influence of prosperity. The consequences of the disorders which had well-nigh overwhelmed the Continent, are still felt in their almost unmitigated pressure upon the circumstances of private life; and each individual sufferer is too much occupied with his particular hopes and interests, to indulge in enlarged contemplations upon the general relations of states and kingdoms, and the complex subjects of diplomatic subtlety. The gorgeous tragedy which recently made up the whole scene of political affairs, affected the minds of many persons chiefly as a spectacle of strongly moving interest; and to those who are influenced principally by dramatic effect, conventional arrangements and a Congress, form but a tame and insipid sequel. While spectators of more thoughtful character, who have beheld the fruitless issue of every successive experiment upon human nature, as the subject of political regulation, which philosophers have devised, or conquerors achieved, witness with little hope of success, the fresh attempts of assembled princes and statesmen, to establish the peace of Europe on a basis of permanent security. Looking upon the Demon of War as not cast out, but only as having spent for a time his strength, they cannot help fearing that the golden chains in which he seemingly consents to be bound, will be snapped as a hay-band, when his power returns ; and they listen with anxiety to distinguish the mild accents of that voice which alone can control the passions and restrain the wrath of man. No considerations so fluctuating as those of policy and interest, no arrangements founded upon convenience, can afford satisfactory assurances of the future. The recog nition of moral principles as the basis of the laws of nations, and a constant reference to the ends of government as the foundation of political rights, are the only signs which could unerringly distinguish the introduction of a new order of things. Some symptoms of such a disposition are, perhaps, faintly discernible and yet, how can we allow our minds to be elevated with sanguine expectations, when on such a subject as the Slave Trade, there can exist among the leaders of a powerful nation, not only a difference of opinion, but a total absence of moral feeling, and a determinate opposition to the dictates of humanity?

It will be unnecessary for us, after the discussions which have occupied some of the former pages of our Review, with regard to this subject, to give more than an abstract of the two pamphlets which stand at the head of this article. That by M. Sismondi, although a very eloquent performance, is not a mere effusion of declamatory eloquence. It grounds its argumentative appeal on facts and computations, which establish the fatu

ity, as well as the wickedness, of an attempt to revive this detestable commerce. He remarks that,

The vague name of the Slave Trade, does not immediately strike the imagination with the representation of what it involves, and what it is designed to re-establish. That article in the treaty of Paris which is again to come under discussion, res rves to the French the privilege of purchasing for five years, on the coasts of Senegaleither captives taken in wars excited for the mere purpose of afterwards selling the prisoners, or pretended criminals, condemned by iniquitous judges for trivial or imaginary crimes, or children sold by their own parents for brandy, in the delirium of an intoxication they seek to prolong, or free-men, kidnapped on the highways by ruffians, or lastly some slaves, already accustomed to servitude, but who, in the des rt, were the companions, rather than the instruments of their master, and who, even in their deplorable condition, had never formed an idea of those forced toils of which even Africa knows nothing This dreadful assemblage of crimes, by which the slaves were multiplied on the coasts of senegal and Guinea, has been for seven years suspended by the abolition of the Slave Trade in England: and even before that period, the impossibility which the French and the Dutch foun, of their continuing the traffic, had considerably diminished it. The accounts of travellers, documents laid before the Parliament of England, place it beyond doubt, that the vast continent situate between the tropics, has been restored to peace, and to a state of comparative prosperity, by the cessation of the trade; that the petty kings, till then incessantly at war with each other, have laid down their arms; that kidnapping has become very rare; that cultivation has considerably increased, and that civilization is beginning to make rapid progress. The right, then, which the French would now reclaim, is, that of corrupting afresh the manners of the Africans, of opposing with all their power the beneficent influence of the philanthropic societies which are designed to civilize them, of violating their own laws-those of Christianity, those of nature, by treating men their fellows, their brethren, as God has not permitted us to treat even the beasts;-and lastly, of guaranteeing this horrible tyranny by tortures so dreadful that our imagination shrinks from the description.'

We must very briefly follow M. Sismondi along the chain of calm reasoning by which he proves the pecuniary inexpedience of the revival of the trade, in its bearing upon the commerce of France It will be read, however, with considerable interest. He first shews that Martinique and Guadaloupe, will furnish no demand for slaves, having, under the English system, become rich and flourishing. The number of births in those colnies has begun to exceed that of deaths, since humanity has come to be the best calculation with the planters; and experience has proved, in all the islands under English administration, that a slave will live as long as an European, as soon as his

'master knows that he cannot replace him by a new captive.' It is, then, St. Domingo only, that remains to be planted and enriched. And it is with a repetition of the disastrous expe'rience of Le Clerc,' adds M. S. that the execution of this project of economy and of richcs is to be commenced!' He presents us as the alternative for effecting this object, false pretences and illusive promises, or force. The discovery of the 'first would be necessarily followed by rebellion, nor would St. 'Domingo want another Toussaint Louverture.'

'On peut étourdir les hommes sur la destruction de leur liberté politique, parcequ'aucune douleur physique, aucune privation personnelle ne suit immédiatement sa perte; mais on ne sauroit les tromper sur la destruction de leur liberté domestique; jamais aucun homme n'a pu renoncer volontairement à sa propriété, à sa personne, à sa famille; et donner la préférence aux coups d'étrivière sur son revenu, ou les fruits de son travail.' PP. 14-15.

6

A war of utter extermination, M. S. justly adduces as the only certain means of success. Upon the atrocity of such a project, and upon the perfidy necessary to ensure its success,' he says, I will not dwell.'

• Il est entendu que la probité, que l'honneur, que l'humanité, ne font rien à la chose; il ne s'agit que d'argent à gagner. Eh bien, voyons enfin ce que les seuls motifs pécuniaires doivent conseiller à la France.' p. 16.

M. Sismondi's arguments are briefly these. The capital of France has always been found inadequate to her commercial wants. All her wealth, especially at this moment, is required for the encouragement and revival of her inland commerce and of national industry. The national capital being limited, whatever portion of it may be embarked in the adventure of a new Slave Trade, must be diverted from other channels. Not only so, but a commercial war, a long and expensive one, for the purpose of conquering St. Domingo, must first be undertaken. In order to encourage the planters, a monopoly must be conceded to them, and the French consumers of the produce must be subjected to a heavy duty, not in favour of the public treasury, but in favour of those who shall consent to sully their honour and the name of Frenchmen, by the infamous traffic in slaves. The capitalists are thus to be lured by superior profits, to withdraw their funds from commerce, agriculture, and manufactures; and they must then withstand the competition of the English, who can afford the same articles cheaper; the competition of other nations, of all the tropical countries; and this for a branch of industry which the very progress of commerce must at some future time necessarily annihilate! Quelle maniére d'enrichir une nation!'