CHAPTER II.

Containing an Account of the Events which took place in Scotland, from the Proclamation of Charles the Second, till the battle of Worcester.

THE people of Scotland, notwithstanding the firmness with which they had opposed the government of the late King, were all along friendly to monarchical rule, and even to the hereditary rights of the House of Stuart. It happened, accordingly, that when intelligence reached Edinburgh of the fate of the first Charles, a deputation of the native Parliament proceeded to the market-cross of that city and proclaimed his son King of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland; adding, as one of the terms of his accession to the throne, that he should give full satisfaction to the Lords and Commons of his firm attachment to the National Covenant, as well as to the Solemn League and Covenant between the two kingdoms. The prince, however much he might be gratified by this decided step in his favour, was, at the same time, so greatly perplexed by the conditions on which alone he could assume the exercise of royal power, that he refused at first to come under an obligation which must necessarily oppose his duty to the

interests of a large proportion of his subjects. He therefore turned his thoughts towards Ireland, where the people were less disposed to circumscribe the prerogative, and of which the greater part had already submitted to the arms of Ormond, a faithful and devoted servant of the crown.

But the rapid successes of Cromwell, and the failure of the Marquis of Montrose in his attempt to erect the royal standard in Scotland in defiance of the Covenant, induced Charles to accept the conditions held out to him by the commissioners of the northern kingdom. In an address recently presented to him by the Kirk, he had indeed been reminded of the sins of his youth, and of his refusal to allow the Son of God to reign in the pure ordinances of church govern ment and worship. He was blamed, too, for cleaving to counsellors who never had the glory of God or the good of his people before their eyes; for admitting to his presence that "fugacious man and excommunicate rebel, James Graham;" and above all, for his giving the royal strength and power to the Beast, by concluding a peace with the Irish Papists, the murderers of so many Protestants. He was desired to remember the iniquities of his father's house, and to be assured, that unless he laid aside the service-book so stuffed with Romish corruptions, and encouraged the reformation of doctrine and worship agreed upon by the divines at Westminster, and, finally, approved of the Covenant in his three kingdoms, without which the people could have no security for their religion or liberty, he would find that the Lord's anger was not turned away,

but that his hand was still stretched out against the royal person and family.

It is not probable that Charles expected a hearty reception from a people who thus mingled insult with their professions of loyalty. But recent events no longer left him any choice; on which account, in the month of June 1650, he embarked in a small squadron supplied by the Prince of Orange, and shaped his course for the shores of Scotland. The attachment of the natives to their ancient line of kings burst forth in loud acclamations when he arrived on the coast; and even the Committee of Estates yielded so far to this generous impulse as to receive him with the honours due to his rank, and to provide a revenue of L.100,000 per annum, for the maintenance of his household. They soon afterwards, indeed, proceeded to purge his establishment, by removing from his court nearly all his personal friends; against whom, chiefly for their principles as royalists, and for their aversion to the Covenant, they entertained the

warmest resentment.

The reception of Charles the Second, in quality of King of England and Ireland as well as of Scotland, was equivalent to a declaration of war against the new Commonwealth. Regarding it in this light, the Parliament, as we have already mentioned, instructed Cromwell to leave

his government in the hands of Ireton and to repair to London, in order that arrangements might be made for defeating the designs of the Presbyterians in both divisions of the island. Upon his arrival in town, the palace of St James's was appointed for his residence; large grants

of land were voted by the House to their victorious General; and a renewed expression was made of their entire confidence in his ability and faithfulness. Fairfax, it is well known, was still at the head of the army; but, owing to the religious principles which prevailed in his domestic circle, as also, perhaps, on account of his dissatisfaction with the violent measures into which the Parliament had been hurried by the enemies of the King, he was no longer regarded by the Council of State as a fit instrument for prosecuting their ulterior objects. In a war against the Presbyterians of England and Scotland, no dependence could be placed upon a commander-in-chief whose bosom friends and spiritual guides were of that persuasion. Hence the expediency of intrusting their cause to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, whose hatred of the Covenant was not less inveterate than his hostility to the Royalists.

But it is reasonable to conclude that nothing more was meant, in the first instance at least, than to employ Cromwell as the Lieutenant of Lord Fairfax, and thereby to direct the movements of the army to the accomplishment of their avowed designs against the church and king, now patronised by the Scots. The prejudices of his lordship, however, did more for the furtherance of their views than could have been effected by the best concerted stratagem. A conference was held on this interesting subject, the details of which I shall give in the words of Ludlow, whose duty, as one of the members of the Council of State, led him to take a share in "Concluding it highly necessary to make

it.

some preparations against the storm which threatened us from the north, and knowing that the satisfaction of their General was of great importance to that service, the Council desired the Lord Fairfax to declare his resolution concerning the same; who, after a day or two's consideration, at the instance chiefly, it was thought, of his wife, upon whom the presbyterian clergy had no small influence, seemed unwilling to march into Scotland; but declared that, in case the Scots should attempt to invade England, he would be ready to lay down his life to oppose them. We laboured to persuade him of the reasonableness and justice of our resolution to march into Scotland, they having already declared themselves our enemies, and by public protestation bound themselves to impose that government upon us, which we had found it necessary to abolish; and to that end had made their terms with Prince Charles, waiting only an opportunity, as soon as they had strengthened themselves by foreign assistance which they expected, to put their design in execution, after we should be reduced to great difficulties incident to the keeping up of an army, in expectation of being invaded by them; assuring him that we thought ourselves indispensably obliged in duty to our country-and as we tender the peace and prosperity of it, as well as to prevent the effusion of the blood of those who had been, and we hoped upon better information would be, our friends-to march into Scotland, and either to understand from them that they are our friends, or to endeavour to make them so; choosing rather to make that country the seat