he thinks Christianity to be, but ask the Christian what he finds it to be. And if it does give righteousness, and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost, what want we more, either as possession or as argument? Can the sceptic in all the wide field of his research, find anything else that gives these things? The "experimental" argument is a strength Infidelity never could make anything of. George Gilfillan says that Popery can stand anything but one, namely, common sense. And we may add, so can its next door neighbour, Infidelity. JABEZ COLE.

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ART. IV. THE PRIMACY OF PETER AND HIS

RESIDENCE AT ROME.

ECENTLY a public discussion has taken place in Rome between Romish ecclesiastics and Protestant ministers. The subject discussed involved the primacy of Peter and the Papal primacy; for it related to the traditionally reported residence of the Apostle in the city of the Cæsars. The Italian press speaks in high terms of praise of the good feeling and moderation with which the debate was conducted, and anticipates beneficial consequences from so remarkable and novel a proceeding. Singular the phenomenon is; for whenever have protestors against Romish errors during ages past had the opportunity of debating with ecclesiastics of that communion in the seven-hilled city upon an equal platform? Yet it is nothing more than the natural consequence of events, which during the last two or three decades have been transpiring in the Italian peninsula. Through one of her sons, astute, cautious, and patriotic, and unquestionably far in advance of his countrymen as a diplomatist, Italy succeeded through the house of Savoy in making her voice heard in the Councils of Europe, and gaining a place among the Western Powers in deciding upon eastern battle-fields questions deemed of general interest. This admission into the Council of Nations was an immense gain to Italy, and brought with it advantages hitherto unpossessed, for promoting that policy of national unification which represented the cherished life-project of Cavour. Noble and patriotic souls, who had struggled in bygone years against Papal and regal despotism-but who, crushed by merciless tyranny, and branded as conspirators, had been driven into banishment—now looked hopefully up again. It was not permitted to them yet to any open and acknowledged part in realising the dreams of

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their youth; neither were they allowed to revisit the homes of their childhood, and dwell again upon the vine-covered slopes of their beautiful land; it was indeed problematic whether they would not have long slept with their fathers before the Italy they loved became united and free. But events had entered upon that course which was destined to result in the freedom and unification of the people, who had been so long divided and doomed to anarchy and oppression by imperial and Papal misrule.

Not long after Italy had obtained recognition among European nations, the Franco-Austrian war broke out, by which the integrity of the quadrilateral was disturbed, and the geographical area of the Pope's temporal dominion seriously limited. It was anticipated by many that this collision of arms would accomplish all that was needed, and that no trace of alien authority would remain in the peninsula to prevent the unification of its people. But the "eldest son of the Church stopped short; and few events have come upon the world more unexpectedly than the peace of Villa-franca. Delay came, and in some important respects delay had its advantage. It helped to intensify the enthusiasm of the people, to embitter them more deeply against Papal pretensions, and give the idea of nationality greater hold of their hearts. Something had been gained; provinces, which had suffered long under Austrian misrule, were once more Italian. A band of adventurers, led by one of whom-for his magnanimity and unselfish heroism, if for nothing else Italy may justly be proud, succeeded in arousing the Sicilians and Neapolitans to throw off the detestable Bourbon yoke, and unite themselves to the Sardinian kingdom and the recently emancipated provinces of northern Italy. Then followed an attempt to force on the movement, which failed, and in its failure exposed leading Italian statesmen to bitter animadversion. But the unsettledness which agitated the recently united peoples showed that the delay was more a benefit than a misfortune; for it afforded opportunity to consolidate what had been gained; and to unite north and south more closely in a common political life; thus rendering it possible to take advantage more readily of any movement in European politics, and making it certain that what was still denied could not be much longer withheld. Italy sustained a sad loss by the death of the statesman under whose sagacious and patriotic guidance she succeeded in emerging from her obscurity; but still the work of emancipation and unifi cation went on. Impatient spirits chafed at the delay, unable to understand the significance of the conservative and preparatory work which was in progress when active hostilities were absent, and the field was occupied by diplomatic measures, and the enthusiastic influence of a resuscitated national life. In the mean

while the seat of government was removed, and the executive was no longer connected with an old Piedmontese town, but had moved a step nearer that city which of all others was acknowledged to be the proper capital of Italy. This change had a beneficial influence upon the work of unification; it exhibited a disposition on the part of the inhabitants of the northern portion of the peninsula to yield up for the general good any advantage that had been previously possessed, and was a pledge of the thoroughness with which the work should be carried out. Frenchmen protected the Pope in his temporal dominion, and Austrians held Venice; but Italians bated not a jot of heart or hope.

There came after the lapse of a few years the Prusso-Austrian war, and Italy was ready. The statesmen who directed the diplomacy of Prussia entered into an alliance with Italy. The Austrian forces were crushed amid the defiles of Bohemia, and Venice became again Italian. Nothing now remained under alien rule but the States of the Church, and another premature attempt to liberate them failed. Men wondered when the end would come. It was nearer than they expected. In 1869 a church council designated general, but not answering to the designation, which had been long talked about, was convoked at Rome. This ecclesiastical conclave was convened to consider and promulgate the dogma of papal infallibility. This was its special and peculiar work, and after much wrangling, and with serious lack of unanimity, this doctrine was promulgated on the 18th of July, 1870, and on the same day there was published in Berlin a declaration of war by France against Prussia. This declaration of war united the German peoples, and, possessed by a common enthusiasm and patriotism, they poured their armies into France like a resistless flood. In about a month after the first battle was fought, the French armies were broken and beaten, and the Emperor himself was a prisoner. Then came Italy's opportunity, for the power France was all that had stood between her and the completion of her nationality during the past four years. The rulers prudently hesitated for awhile. They desired to avoid the risk of failure. But when the opportunity became unquestionable, they seized it, Rome was taken, and Italy was jubilant over a realised unity.

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Contemporaneous with political nationalisation has been the spread of religious truth and freedom. Emancipation from Austrian and Bourbon rule threw open North-eastern and Southern Italy to the quickening influences of an earnest evangelism. The Waldensian Church proceeded to enter the open doors. The churches of Britain also, as well as the British and Foreign Bible Society, were not slow in accepting the privilege of aiding the Italians in realising a higher than political freedom. Religious freedom was among the first results of political emanci

pation, and now, since the last remnants of foreign and priestly domination have been removed, the peninsula of Italy is as open to evangelistic labour as is Great Britain or the United States of America. The Waldensians have churches scattered throughout the country, and schools as well. Presbyterian and Methodist are also found along with other churches of Britain and America labouring to dispel the darkness and error with which long years of Papal tyranny and misrule have cursed that sunny southern land. Alongside of these agencies there has sprung up a Free Italian Church, which numbers one hundred congregations, and rather more than thirty thousand adherents, and an actual membership of one-third that number. In 1847 there was not a single place of Protestant worship in Italy. From 1847 to 1859, five congregations were established, numbering 400 communicants, and 1,000 hearers. This free church of Italy also conducts numerous week-day and Sunday schools, and is labouring to do a good work in educating the young. Its active agents are spreading themselves through all the provinces, and aided as they are, and will continue to be, by numerous sympathisers belonging to other nationalities, this free and unendowed community will exercise a cumulative influence over the future of Italy. It has already established five congregations in Rome, and gathered into fellowships many communicants, while several hundreds have presented themselves as catechumens for examination previous to joining the Church.

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When the Italian troops entered Rome in 1870, there entered along with them freedom of thought and utterance. Ultramontane restrictions were swept away, and in every street and square the city, men could engage in free and healthy intercourse on political and religious questions. Gavazzi, who is a foremost man in the Free Church of Italy, conducted service in the city for weeks, holding as many as eleven meetings a week. Hundreds of all classes and of both sexes attended these meetings. The British and Foreign Bible Society established a depot in Rome, and selected for its home one of the best streets. It is not long since it was a crime punishable with five years imprisonment, to circulate the Scriptures; now depots are established and colporteurs are traversing the country. There are eight of these colporting agents in Rome, and not many months after the soldiers of Italy entered the city not fewer than 20,000 copies of the Scripture were in cireulation there. The gospel is freely preached almost within the hearing of the Pope himself, and if he be so disposed, he can look from the windows of his self-elected prison and read the sign-board by which the Bible Society announces that the Holy Scriptures are now freely offered for sale. A Bible Society has now, in 1872, been publicly inaugurated at Rome. The future is certainly rich in

promise, and now we have public debates in the city where free speech has been strangled for centuries. The liberty enjoyed in this respect is indicated by the subject of discussion. The assumed primacy of the Pope rests upon two grounds-First, that Peter was chief among the Apostles-and second, that he was bishop of Rome, and all who have since occupied the See are lineally his successors, and invested with his authority. The recent debate involved the groundwork of Papal pretensions. It has been publicly argued in the metropolis of ultramontanism that Peter was never at Rome, and consequently could not have been bishop of a church there. So that even if a primacy be allowed to him, and its permanence considered essential for the church, as liberal Roman Catholics are disposed to allow and consider, yet that primacy is not necessarily connected with the See of Rome. Protestants, of course, question this Petrine primacy altogether, and the fact that not by liberal Catholics, who are anti-ultramontanists, but by leal-hearted Protestants, this subject has been debated under the shadow of the Vatican itself, augurs for Italy an emancipation higher and nobler than that which has been already won. Armies have done their work, and, by the rude shock of battle, have broken and scattered despotisms which tyrannised over the bodies and souls of men. The conflict is now of another kind, and has to be prosecuted upon a higher plane. The rough action of the soldier has prepared the way for the debater, the teacher, and the preacher; and we cannot but admire the manner in which a numerous band of Italian patriots are bending their energies to the work, and we wish them and their English and American helpers, God-speed.

Ultramontanism will not be vanquished without a struggle; it is now engaged in actively seeking to counterwork the movement of popular education. The priests find their way into the dwellings of the people, and, abandoning the old policy of terrorism, they endeavour, with gentle and pathetic eloquence, to point out the thousand and one dangers to which children are exposed when left in the hands of heretics. Generally, the good sense of the people defeats the machinations of the priests, and, though they have also established schools in which to promulgate the supremacy and sovereignty of the Pope, there is a steady addition in the attendance at schools under Protestant management. Pio Nono vainly endeavours to stop the tide of free thought and action now rising in Italy. He may forbid the members of the College of Theologians, or any other member of the Church of Rome, to publicly debate with Protestant preachers, but the tide will rise higher, and flow onwards notwithstanding. And unless the Vatican authorities change their position, and enter into new relations with advancing opinion, they must inevitably be swept away. The debate on the presence of Peter in Rome is obviously regarded by Papal autho